It is unlikely that in the Russian history of the 20th century there will be a more callous and more deceitful myth than the myth of the “bloody “resurrection”. In order to remove piles of dirty and deliberate lies from this historical event, it is necessary to record several main points related to the date “January 9, 1905”:
1. This was not a spontaneous event. This was an action that had been prepared for many years, for the financing of which significant funds were allocated and significant forces were involved in its implementation.
More about this: http://cont.ws/post/176665
2. The very term “Bloody Sunday” was thrown into print on the same day. This term, by the way, was invented by an English journalist of that time, named Dillon, who worked in a semi-socialist newspaper (I don’t know who but I strongly doubt the spontaneity of such a term, especially from an Englishman).
3. It is necessary to place several important, in my opinion, accents in relation to the events immediately preceding the tragedy of January 9:
1) The Russo-Japanese War was going on, industry was already set up to produce military products. And so precisely at this moment, precisely at defense enterprises, St. Petersburg, strikes begin, provoked by false information about the alleged mass layoffs workers of the Putilov plant.
The plant fulfills an important defense order. This is a special railway transporter for transporting submarines to Far East. Russian submarines can change the unsuccessful course of the naval war in our favor, but to do this they must be transferred to the Far East across the entire country. This cannot be done without the conveyor ordered from the Putilov plant.
After this, using "Meeting of factory workers" The Social Revolutionaries organize a wave of strikes. The strikes are organized according to a plan developed by Trotsky, who was still abroad at that time.
The principle used chain transmission: workers from one striking factory burst into another and agitate for a strike; Threats and physical terror are used against those who refuse to go on strike.
“In some factories this morning, workers wanted to start work, but people from neighboring factories came to them and convinced them to stop work. After which the strike began." (Minister of Justice N.V. Muravyov).
The police reports stated that active participation in spreading the rebellion of the Japanese and British intelligence services.
The strike began on January 4 at the Obukhovsky and Nevsky factories. 26 thousand people are on strike. A leaflet was issued by the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP “To all workers of the Putilov plant”: “We need political freedom, we need freedom of strikes, unions and meetings...”.
On January 4 and 5 workers joined them Franco-Russian shipyard and Semyannikovsky plant.
Myself Gapon Subsequently, this is how he explained the beginning of the general strike in St. Petersburg by the workers of these particular factories. “We decided...to extend the strike to the Franco-Russian shipbuilding and Semyannikovsky factories, where there were 14 thousand workers. I chose these factories because I knew that just at that time they were fulfilling very serious orders for the needs of the war."
Thus, under a deliberately far-fetched pretext, it was at defense enterprises, using methods of threats and intimidation, that a mass strike was organized, which was the predecessor of January 9.
2) The idea to go with a petition to the Tsar was submitted by the worker Gapon and his entourage on January 6-7.
But the workers, who were invited to go to the Tsar for help, were introduced to purely economic and, one might say, reasonable demands.
Having accepted the incident with the restraint characteristic of him in acute situations, The Emperor, after the reception of foreign diplomatic representatives scheduled for that day at the Winter Palace, at 16:00 on the same day, left with his family for Tsarskoe Selo.
However, an artillery shot on January 6 finally intensified the actions of the military-police authorities in St. Petersburg.
Considering it as a possible attempt to assassinate the Sovereign, which testified to the existence of a secret terrorist organization in the capital garrison, the leadership of the Police Department was inclined to consider these events as the results of the activities of a well-conspiracy revolutionary organization operating on an all-Russian scale, which had begun to implement its plan to seize power in capital.
This may also be why the commandant still distributed live ammunition, despite the decision of his superiors.
Until January 8, the authorities did not yet know that another petition with extremist demands had been prepared behind the workers’ backs. And when they found out, they were horrified.
The order is given to arrest Gapon, but it is too late, he has disappeared. But it is no longer possible to stop the huge avalanche - the revolutionary provocateurs did a great job.
On January 9, hundreds of thousands of people are ready to meet the Tsar. It cannot be canceled: the newspapers were not published. And until late in the evening on the eve of January 9, hundreds of agitators walked through working-class areas, exciting people, inviting them to a meeting with the Tsar, declaring again and again that this meeting was being hindered by exploiters and officials.
The workers fell asleep with the thought of tomorrow's meeting with Father the Tsar.
The St. Petersburg authorities, who gathered for a meeting on the evening of January 8, realizing that it was no longer possible to stop the workers, decided not to allow them into the very center of the city.
Main task was not even to protect the Tsar (he was not in the city, he was in Tsarskoe Selo), but to prevent riots, the inevitable crush and death of people as a result of the flow of huge masses from four sides in the narrow space of Nevsky Prospekt and Palace Square, among the embankments and canals. Tsarist ministers remembered the Khodynka tragedy
Therefore, troops and Cossacks were gathered in the center with orders not to let people through and to use weapons if absolutely necessary.
In an effort to prevent a tragedy, authorities issued a notice banning the January 9 march and warning of the danger.
Despite the fact that the flag over the Winter Palace was lowered and the whole city knew that the Tsar was not in the city, some also knew about the order prohibiting the procession.
ATTENTION: ON THE EVE OF JANUARY 9, THE ENTIRE PRESS WENT ON STRIKE, WHICH DEPRESSED THE AUTHORITY TO DISTRIBUTE AN ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT THE BAN OF THE PROCESS, BUT IMMEDIATELY AFTER THIS EVENT, ACCOUNTING ARTICLES WERE INSTANTLY PULL OUT IN A HUGE CIRCULATION, AS AS PREPARED IN ADVANCE.
5. The very nature of the procession was not initially peaceful.
The beginning of a mass procession of workers of St. Petersburg in the part of the city where the priest himself was located G. Gapon.
The procession from the Narva outpost was led by Gapon himself, who constantly shouted: “If we are denied, then we no longer have a King.”
He himself described it in his memoirs as follows: “I thought that it would be good to give the whole demonstration a religious character, and immediately sent several workers to the nearest church for banners and images, but they refused to give us them. Then I sent 100 people take them by force and in a few minutes they brought them.
Then I ordered a royal portrait to be brought from our department in order to emphasize the peaceful and decent nature of our procession. The crowd grew to enormous proportions...
“Should we go straight to the Narva outpost or take a roundabout route?” - they asked me. “Straight to the outpost, take heart, it’s either death or freedom,” I shouted. In response there was a thunderous “hurray”.
The procession moved to the powerful singing of “Save, Lord, Thy people,” and when it came to the words “To our Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich,” representatives of the socialist parties invariably replaced them with the words “save Georgy Apollonovich,” while others repeated “death or freedom.”
The procession walked in a continuous mass. My two bodyguards walked ahead of me... Children ran to the sides of the crowd... when the procession moved, the police not only did not interfere with us, but they themselves walked with us without hats...”
As is clear from the above description, from the very beginning of the workers’ march under the leadership of G. Gapon, the Orthodox-monarchist paraphernalia in this procession was combined with a very active desire of the representatives of the revolutionary parties participating in it to direct the actions of the workers along the path of their harsh confrontation with representatives of the authorities, even though there were women and children among the workers
Representatives of all parties were distributed among separate columns of workers (there should be eleven of them, according to the number of branches of Gapon’s organization).
Socialist Revolutionary fighters were preparing weapons. The Bolsheviks put together detachments, each of which consisted of a standard bearer, an agitator and a core that defended them (i.e. the same militants).
They prepared banners and banners: “Down with Autocracy!”, “Long live the revolution!”, “To arms, comrades!”
The first meeting of workers with the troops and police took place at 12 noon near the Narva Gate.
A crowd of workers, approximately 2 to 3 thousand people, moved along the Peterhof highway to the Narva triumphal gates, carrying with them portraits of the Tsar and Queen, crosses and banners.
Police officials who came out to meet the crowd tried to persuade the workers not to go into the city and repeatedly warned that otherwise the troops would shoot at them.
When all the exhortations did not lead to any results, the squadron of the Horse Grenadier Regiment tried to force the workers to return back.
At that moment, Lieutenant Zholtkevich was seriously wounded by a shot from the crowd, and the police officer was killed.
As the squadron approached, the crowd spread out on both sides, and then two shots from a revolver were fired from its side, which did not cause any harm to any of the squadron’s people and only grazed the horse’s mane. In addition, one of the workers struck a platoon non-commissioned officer with a cross.
As you can see, the first shots were fired not from the troops, but from the crowd, and the first victims were not workers, but police and army officials.
Let us note the same behavior as one of the “believing” participants in the demonstration: he beats a non-commissioned officer with a cross!
When the squadron met armed resistance and, unable to stop the movement of the crowd, returned back, the officer commanding the troops warned three times about opening fire, and only after these warnings had no effect, and the crowd continued to advance, more than 5 volleys were fired, whereupon the crowd turned back and quickly dispersed, leaving more than forty people killed and wounded.
The latter were immediately given assistance, and all of them, with the exception of the slightly wounded who were taken by the crowd, were placed in the Aleksandrovskaya, Alafuzovskaya and Obukhovskaya hospitals.”
Events developed in approximately the same way in other places - on the Vyborg side, on Vasilievsky Island, on the Shlisselburg tract.
Red banners and slogans appeared: “Down with Autocracy!”, “Long live the revolution!” (this is war time!!!)
Isn't this picture strikingly different from the sadistic execution of an unarmed crowd carried out by forced soldiers under the command of officers who hate the common people?
Two more powerful columns of workers followed towards the center from the Vyborg and St. Petersburg sides.
Bailiff of the 1st precinct of the St. Petersburg part of Krylov, stepping forward, addressed the crowd with exhortations to stop moving and turn back. The crowd stopped but continued to stand. Then the companies, with closed bayonets, moved towards the crowd shouting “Hurray!” The crowd was pushed back and began to disperse. There were no casualties among her.
On Vasilyevsky Island the crowd behaved aggressively and revolutionary from the very beginning.
Even before the first shots were fired, the crowd, led by a Bolshevik L.D. Davydov, seized Schaff's weapons workshop. 200 people destroyed the headquarters of the 2nd precinct of the Vasilyevskaya police unit.
Major General Samghin reported: “Around 1 o’clock in the afternoon, the crowd on the 4th line, having increased significantly in number, began to set up barbed wire, build barricades and throw out red flags. The companies moved forward. (...) While the company was moving, bricks and stones were thrown from house No. 35 on the 4th line, as well as from a house under construction opposite it, and shots were fired.
On Maly Prospekt the crowd rallied and began shooting. Then one half company of the 89th infantry. The White Sea Regiment fired 3 salvos. (...)
During these actions, one student was arrested for making a defiant speech to the soldiers, and a loaded revolver was found on him. During the actions of the troops on Vasilyevsky Island, the troops detained 163 people for robbery and armed resistance.”
It was such a “peaceful” crowd that the troops had to act against on Vasilyevsky Island! 163 armed militants and robbers are in no way similar to peaceful, loyal citizens.
By the way, the greatest number of casualties on both sides was caused not by the pacification of the demonstrators in the first half of the day, but by skirmishes with pogromists on Vasilyevsky Island, when the militants tried to hold arsenals and local gun stores.
All this clearly shows that any statements about a “peaceful” demonstration are lies.
The crowd, excited by trained militants, smashed weapons stores and erected barricades.
“In Kirpichny Lane,” Lopukhin subsequently reported to the Tsar, “a crowd attacked two policemen, one of them was beaten. On Morskaya Street, Major General Elrich was beaten, on Gorokhovaya Street, one captain was beaten, and a bailiff was killed.”
It should be noted that there were such militants in all work columns.
It should be noted that the troops, wherever they could, tried to act with exhortations and persuasion, trying to prevent bloodshed.
Where there were no revolutionary instigators, or where there were not enough of them to influence the crowd, the officers managed to avoid bloodshed.
Thus, in the area of the Alexander Nevsky Lavra and the Rozhdestvenskaya part there were no casualties or clashes. The same is true in the Moscow part.
None of the columns of demonstrators reached Palace Square.
The columns did not even cross the Neva (those who moved from Vasilyevsky Island, the Petrograd and Vyborg sides) and the Fontanka (those who moved from the Narvskaya Zastava and the Shlisselburg tract).
The most numerous of them, marching under the leadership of Gapon from the Putilov plant, was scattered near the Obvodny Canal. To disperse the columns, weapons were also used at the Shlisselburg fire station and at the Trinity Bridge.
On Vasilyevsky Island there was a real battle with revolutionaries entrenched on the barricades (these are no longer “columns of a peaceful procession”).
Nowhere else were they shooting into the crowd. This is a historical fact, confirmed by police reports.
Small groups of hooligan "revolutionaries" actually infiltrated the city center. On Morskaya Street they beat Major General Elrich, on Gorokhovaya Street they beat one captain and detained a courier, and his car was broken. A cadet from the Nikolaev Cavalry School, who was passing by in a cab, was pulled from his sleigh, the saber with which he defended himself was broken, and he was beaten and wounded. But these “freedom fighters” fled from one sight of Cossack patrols that appeared in the distance.
Later, after the events of January 9, Gapon asked in a small circle: “Well, Father George, now we are alone and there is no need to be afraid that dirty linen will be washed out in public, and that’s a thing of the past. You know how much they talked about the event of January 9 and how often one could hear the judgment that, if the Sovereign accepted the deputation honor, listen to the deputies kindly, everything would have worked out well. Well, what do you think, Father George, what would have happened if the Emperor had come out to the people?”
Completely unexpectedly, but in a sincere tone, Gapon replied: “They would kill in half a minute, half a second!”
So, when the enemies of the government then wrote that the Tsar “had only to go out to the crowd and agree to at least one of its demands” (which one - about the 9th constituent assembly?) and then “the whole crowd would have knelt before him” - this was the grossest distortion of reality.
Now that we know all these circumstances, we can take a different look at the events of January 9, 1905 itself.
The revolutionaries' plan was simple: Several columns of provoked worker demonstrators, in whose ranks the terrorist revolutionaries were supposed to be hiding for the time being, were intended to be led to the Winter Palace to hand over the petition personally to the Tsar.
Other columns were not to be allowed to reach Palace Square, but were to be shot on the approaches to the city center, which would fuel the indignation of those gathered near the palace. At the moment when the Sovereign would appear for a pacifying call, the terrorist had to commit the assassination of the Emperor.
Part of this diabolical plan was carried out.
On the evening of January 9 Gapon writes a slanderous inflammatory leaflet: "January 9, 12 o'clock at night. To the soldiers and officers who killed their innocent brothers, their wives and children and to all the oppressors of the people, my pastoral curse; to the soldiers who will help the people achieve freedom, my blessing. Their soldier's oath to the traitor Tsar, who ordered the shedding of innocent blood folk, I authorize. Priest Georgy Gapon."
Subsequently, in the printed organ of the Social Revolutionaries “Revolutionary Russia” this false priest called: “Ministers, mayors, governors, police officers, policemen, policemen, guards, gendarmes and spies, generals and officers who order to shoot at you - kill... All measures so that you have real weapons on time and dynamite - you know, accepted... Refuse to go to war... Rise up on the instructions of the battle committee... Water pipelines, gas pipelines, telephones, telegraph, lighting, horse cars, trams, railways destroy..."
Further street clashes were stopped almost within one day. On January 11, the troops were returned to the barracks, and the police, reinforced by Cossack patrols, again began to control order on the streets of the city.
January 14, 1905 condemned the riots Holy Synod:
“It’s already been a year since Russia has been waging a bloody war with the pagans for its historical calling as the planter of Christian enlightenment in the Far East... But now, a new test of God, a grief worse than the first, has visited our beloved fatherland...
The criminal instigators of ordinary working people, having in their midst an unworthy clergyman who boldly trampled on the holy vows and is now subject to the judgment of the Church, were not ashamed to give into the hands of the workers they had deceived the honest cross, holy icons and banners forcibly taken from the chapel, so that, under the protection of the shrines revered by believers , or rather lead them to disorder, and some to destruction.
Toilers of the Russian land, working people! Work according to the commandment of the Lord by the sweat of your brow, remembering that he who does not work is not worthy of food. Beware of your false advisors...they are collaborators or mercenaries evil enemy seeking the destruction of the Russian land"
The Emperor dismissed the ministers: Svyatopolk-Mirsky and Muravyov. General was appointed as the new Governor General Trepov, who stopped the riots in the city without bloodshed.
The general gave the troops the famous order: “Don’t spare cartridges!”, but at the same time he did everything to ensure that this order became widely known. The riots stopped.
“Unfortunate events with sad but inevitable consequences of unrest occurred because you allowed yourself to be misled and deceived by traitors and enemies of our Motherland. I know that the life of a worker is not easy. Much needs to be improved and streamlined” (from the speech of Nicholas II before a deputation of workers on January 19, 1905).
You allowed yourself to be drawn into delusion and deception by traitors and enemies of our homeland...Strikes and rebellious gatherings only excite the crowd to the kind of disorder that has always forced and will force the authorities to resort to military force, and this inevitably causes innocent victims. I know that the life of a worker is not easy. A lot needs to be improved and streamlined... But for a rebellious crowd to tell me their demands is criminal.”
Already on January 14, the strike in St. Petersburg began to decline. On January 17, the Putilov plant resumed work.
On January 29, a “Commission was created to find out the reasons for the discontent of workers in St. Petersburg and its suburbs and to find measures to eliminate them in the future,” which over time achieved complete pacification of the workers of the capital.
Thus ended the first act of the pre-planned bloody anti-anti-Russian unrest, later called the “Russian Revolution.”
Socialist Revolutionary militants were preparing another assassination attempt on the Tsar which was supposed to take place at the ball. Terrorist Tatyana Leontyeva managed to ingratiate herself with the organizers of one of the social balls and received an offer to engage in the charity sale of flowers. She offered to personally commit regicide. However, the ball was cancelled.
From the diary of Nicholas II:
“January 9th. Sunday. Tough day! Serious riots occurred in St. Petersburg as a result of the workers’ desire to reach the Winter Palace. The troops had to shoot in different places in the city, there were many killed and wounded. Lord, how painful and difficult! ..."
According to official statistics, on January 9, 96 people were killed, including police officials, and 233 were wounded. According to other sources, killed There were 130 people, 311 were injured.
Nicholas II donated 50 thousand rubles from his personal funds to the benefit of the workers who suffered on January 9, and gave large sums to all the families of the victims. monetary compensation. (Back then you could buy a good cow for 25 rubles, and families received an average of 1,500 rubles).
The revolutionaries took advantage of the situation and spread a rumor that in fact about five thousand people were killed and wounded...
But the primary source on which the capital’s journalists relied was a leaflet distributed in St. Petersburg as early as 5 o'clock in the afternoon on January 9 . It was in it that it was reported that “thousands of workers were shot on Palace Square.”
But, excuse me, how could it be written, replicated by this time, especially since the printing houses were not open on Sunday, distributed to the districts and distributed to distributors? It is obvious that this provocative leaflet was prepared in advance, no later than January 8, i.e. when neither the location of the execution nor the number of victims was known to the authors.
According to the results of a study carried out by Doctor of Historical Sciences A. N. Zashikhin in 2008, There are no grounds for recognizing this figure as reliable.
Other foreign agencies reported similar inflated figures. Thus, the British Laffan agency reported 2,000 killed and 5,000 wounded, the Daily Mail newspaper reported more than 2,000 killed and 5,000 wounded, and the Standard newspaper reported 2,000-3,000 killed and 7,000-8,000 wounded.
Subsequently, all this information was not confirmed.
The magazine "Liberation" reported that a certain "organizing committee of the Technological Institute" published "secret police information" that determined the number of killed at 1,216 people. No confirmation of this message was found.
Gapon was stripped of his church title and declared the most notorious criminal of the Orthodox Church. He was accused by the clergy of being, (I quote) “called upon to inspire Orthodox words truth and the Gospel, obliged to distract them from false directions and criminal aspirations, he, with a cross on his chest, in clothes
😆Tired of serious articles? Cheer yourself up
The demonstration of workers in St. Petersburg on January 9 (22), 1905 is still described by some historians as the shooting of a peaceful procession (or even a religious procession!) to Tsar Nicholas II. At the same time, pointing to the peaceful nature of the demonstration, it is argued that the petitions that the demonstrators carried to present to the Emperor contained only economic demands. However, it is reliably known that in the last paragraph it was proposed to introduce political freedoms and convene a Constituent Assembly, which was supposed to resolve issues government structure. In essence, this point was a call for the abolition of autocracy.
In fairness, it must be said that for the majority of workers the demands of this point were vague, vague, and they did not see in them a threat to the tsarist power, which they did not even intend to oppose. The main thing for them were, in general, quite reasonable economic demands.
However, at the same time that the workers were preparing for the demonstration, another petition was drawn up on their behalf. More radical, containing extremist demands for nationwide reforms, the convening of a Constituent Assembly, and a political change in the state system. All points known to the workers and actually supported by them become, as it were, an addition to political demands. This was in its purest form a political provocation of revolutionaries who tried, on behalf of the people in difficult military conditions, to present demands to the Russian government they did not like.
Of course, the organizers of the demonstration knew that the demands made in their petition were obviously impossible to fulfill and did not even meet the demands of the workers. The main thing that the revolutionaries wanted to achieve was to discredit Tsar Nicholas II in the eyes of the people, to morally humiliate him in the eyes of their subjects. The organizers wanted to humiliate him by the fact that on behalf of the people they presented an ultimatum to God’s Anointed One, who, according to the provisions of the Laws Russian Empire must be guided “Only by the will of God, and not by the multi-rebellious will of the people.”
Much later than the events of January 9, when one of the organizers of the demonstration, priest Gapon, was asked: “Well, what do you think, Fr. George, what would have happened if the Emperor had come out to meet the people?” He replied: “They would kill you in half a minute, half a second!”
However, with what cynicism the same Gapon sent a provocative letter to the Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky on January 8: “Your Excellency,” it says, “workers and residents of St. Petersburg of different classes wish and must see the Tsar on this January 9, Sunday, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon on Palace Square in order to express to him directly his needs and the needs of the entire Russian people. The king has nothing to fear. “I, as a representative of the “Assembly of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg,” my fellow workers, comrades, even all the so-called revolutionary groups of different directions, guarantee the inviolability of his personality.”
In essence, it was a challenge to the Tsar, an insult to his personal dignity and a humiliation of his power. Just think, the priest leads “revolutionary groups of different directions” and, as if patting the Russian Autocrat on the shoulder, says: “Don’t be afraid, I guarantee you immunity!”, while he himself holds “a stone in his bosom.” This is what provocateur Gapon said on the eve of the “peaceful march”: “If... they don’t let us through, then we will break through by force. If the troops shoot at us, we will defend ourselves. Some of the troops will come over to our side, and then we will start a revolution. We will set up barricades, destroy weapons stores, break up the prison, take over the telegraph and telephone. The Social Revolutionaries promised bombs... and ours will take it.”
When Sovereign Emperor Nicholas II became familiar with the workers’ petition, he decided to tactfully depart for Tsarskoe Selo, making it clear that he did not intend to speak in the language of demands and ultimatums. He hoped that, having learned about his absence, the workers would not demonstrate.
However, the organizers of the procession, knowing that there would be no meeting with the Emperor, did not convey this to the workers, deceived them and led them to the Winter Palace to arrange a clash with the forces of law and order. The carefully planned action was a success. Approximately 300 thousand people took part in the demonstration. The St. Petersburg authorities, realizing that it was no longer possible to stop the workers, decided to at least prevent their accumulation in the city center. As historian O.A. Platonov writes in the book History of the Russian People in the 20th Century: “The main task was not even to protect the Tsar (he was not in the city), but to prevent unrest, the inevitable crush and death of people as a result of the flow of huge masses from four sides in the narrow space of Nevsky Prospect and Palace Square among embankments and canals. The tsarist ministers remembered the Khodynka tragedy, when, as a result of the criminal negligence of the Moscow authorities, 1,389 people died in a stampede and about 1,300 were injured. Therefore, troops, Cossacks, were gathered in the center with orders not to let people through, to use weapons if absolutely necessary.”
When the demonstrators moved towards the Winter Palace, in addition to banners, red banners and banners with the slogans “Down with autocracy”, “Long live the revolution”, “To arms, comrades” appeared above the crowds. We moved from calls to action. Pogroms of weapons stores began and barricades were erected. The revolutionaries began to attack policemen and beat them, provoking clashes with the forces of law and order and the army. They were forced to defend themselves and use weapons. No one planned to specifically shoot demonstrators. Moreover, TSAR NICHOLAS II, WHICH WAS IN TSARKOYE SELO, DID NOT GIVE SUCH ORDER.
The demonstrators were not driven into a dead end. They had a choice: having met law enforcement officers and army units on their way, turn back and disperse. They didn't do this. Despite verbal warnings and warning shots, the demonstrators followed the chain of soldiers, who were forced to open fire. 130 people were killed and several hundred were wounded. Reports of “thousands of victims” disseminated by the liberal press are propaganda fiction.
Both then and today, the question arises whether the decision to use weapons was wrong. Maybe the government should have made concessions to the workers?
S.S. Oldenburg answers this question quite comprehensively: “Since the authorities did not consider it possible to capitulate and agree to the Constituent Assembly under pressure from the crowd led by revolutionary agitators, there was no other way out.
Compliance with the advancing crowd either leads to the collapse of power or to even worse bloodshed.”
Today it is known that the so-called “peaceful demonstration” was not only of an internal political nature. It, and the revolutionary uprisings that followed it, were the result of the work of Japanese agents and were organized at the very height of the Russo-Japanese War.
These days, a message came to Russia from Paris from the Latin-Slavic agency of General Cherep-Spiridovich that the Japanese were openly proud of the unrest caused by their money.
The English journalist Dillon testified in his book “The Decline of Russia”: “The Japanese distributed money to Russian revolutionaries..., huge sums were spent. I must say that this is an indisputable fact."
And here is how O.A. Platonov assesses the tragedy of January 9 and the subsequent strikes and revolutionary uprisings: “If we give a legal assessment of the activities of citizens of the Russian Empire, who, under martial law, are preparing its defeat with foreign money, then according to the laws of any state it can be considered only as high treason worthy of capital punishment. The treacherous activities of a handful of revolutionaries, as a result of the shutdown of defense enterprises and interruptions in the supply of the army, led to the death of thousands of soldiers at the front and a deterioration in the economic situation in the country.”
On January 19, in an address to the workers, Tsar Nicholas II quite rightly noted: “The regrettable events, with the sad but inevitable consequences of unrest, occurred because you allowed yourself to be drawn into error and deception by traitors and enemies of our country.
Inviting you to go submit a petition to Me for your needs, they incited you to revolt against Me and My government, forcibly tearing you away from honest work at a time when all truly Russian people must work together and tirelessly to defeat our stubborn external enemy.” .
Of course, the Emperor also noticed the criminal lack of foresight and inability to prevent unrest on the part of the heads of law enforcement agencies.
They received a worthy punishment. By order of the Sovereign, all officials directly responsible for failing to prevent the demonstration were dismissed from their positions. In addition, the Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky and the St. Petersburg mayor Fullon lost their posts.
In relation to the families of the dead demonstrators, the Emperor showed truly Christian mercy. By his decree, 50 thousand rubles were allocated for each family of the deceased or injured. At that time this amounted to an impressive amount. History knows of no other similar case where, during a difficult war, funds were allocated for charitable assistance to the families of injured participants in an anti-state demonstration.
9.01.1905 (22.01). – Provocation " Bloody Sunday" - the beginning of the "first Russian revolution"
Provocation "Bloody Sunday"
“Bloody Sunday” on January 9, 1905 was a planned provocation and became the beginning of the “first Russian revolution”, to incite which, taking advantage, the world behind the scenes threw a lot of money.
The organizer of the “peaceful march” on January 9, a former priest (banned from serving and then defrocked) Gapon, was associated with both the security department (ostensibly to keep the demands of the workers in a law-abiding direction) and with the socialist revolutionaries (through a certain Pinchas Rutenberg), then there played a double role. Having called the workers to a peaceful demonstration at the Winter Palace with a petition to, the provocateurs were preparing a far from peaceful clash with the shedding of blood. The workers were announced about the Procession of the Cross, which, indeed, began with a prayer service for the health of the Royal Family. However, the text of the petition, without the knowledge of the workers, included demands for an end to the war with Japan, the convocation, separation of Church and state, and “the Tsar’s oath before the people” (!).
The night before, January 8, the Tsar became familiar with the contents of Gapon’s petition, in fact a revolutionary ultimatum with impossible economic and political demands (abolition of taxes, release of all convicted terrorists), and decided to ignore it as unacceptable in relation to state power. At the same time, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Prince P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky reassured the Tsar, assuring him that, according to his information, nothing dangerous or serious was expected. Therefore, the Tsar did not consider it necessary to come from Tsarskoe Selo to the capital.
Gapon understood perfectly well that he was preparing a provocation. He said at a rally the day before: “If... they don’t let us through, then we will break through by force. If the troops shoot at us, we will defend ourselves. Some of the troops will come over to our side, and then we will start a revolution. We will set up barricades, destroy weapons stores, break up the prison, take over the telegraph and telephone. The Social Revolutionaries promised bombs... and ours will take it."(report on the demonstration in Iskra No. 86)...
After the bloodshed that had been achieved, Gapon was frank in his memoirs:
“I thought it would be good to give the whole demonstration a religious character, and immediately sent several workers to the nearest church for banners and images, but they refused to give them to us. Then I sent 100 people to take them by force, and in a few minutes they brought them. Then I ordered a royal portrait to be brought from our department in order to emphasize the peaceful and decent nature of our procession. The crowd grew to enormous proportions... “Should we go straight to the Narva outpost or take a roundabout route?” - they asked me. “Straight to the outpost, take heart, it’s death or freedom,” I shouted. In response there was a thunderous "hurray". The procession moved to the powerful singing of “Save, Lord, Thy people,” and when it came to the words “To our Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich,” representatives of the socialist parties invariably replaced them with the words “save Georgy Apollonovich,” while others repeated “death or freedom.” The procession walked in a continuous mass. My two bodyguards walked ahead of me... Children were running along the sides of the crowd... when the procession moved, the police not only did not interfere with us, but themselves, without hats, walked with us... Two police officers, also without hats, walked ahead us, clearing the road and directing the passing crews towards us". The procession went to the city center in several columns from different sides, their total number reached 200 thousand people.
At the same time, inflammatory leaflets were distributed in the city, then telephone poles were toppled and barricades were built in several places, two gun shops and a police station were destroyed, and attempts were made to seize the prison and telegraph office. During the procession, provocative shots were fired at the police from the crowd. The troops, completely unprepared to counter such mass uprisings of the urban population, found themselves forced to withstand the pressure of crowds from different sides of the city and make decisions on the spot.
All this must be taken into account in order to understand the fear of those who ordered to shoot at the advancing crowd (according to official police reports, on January 9 and 10, 96 people were killed and more than 333 were injured; the final figures are 130 dead and 299 injured, including police and the military; TSB gives a false figure from a revolutionary leaflet of that time: “more than a thousand killed and over two thousand wounded”). Even before the bloody events, he made a speech at a meeting of the Free Economic Society, declaring: “Today a revolution began in Russia. gives 1000 rubles for the revolution, Gorky - 1500 rubles...” However, the plan collapsed due to the fact that the troops did not go over to the side of the rebels. In some places, workers beat up agitators and barricade organizers with red flags: “We don’t need this, it’s the Jews who are muddying the waters...”.
Speaking about the hasty order of the frightened authorities who ordered the shooting, it should also be remembered that the atmosphere around the royal palace was very tense, because three days earlier an attempt had been made on the life of the Sovereign. On January 6, during the Epiphany blessing of water on the Neva, a fireworks display was fired in the Peter and Paul Fortress, during which one of the cannons fired a live charge towards the Emperor. A shot of grapeshot pierced the banner of the Naval Corps, hit the windows of the Winter Palace and seriously wounded the gendarmerie police officer on duty. The officer commanding the fireworks immediately committed suicide, so the reason for the shot remained a mystery. Immediately after this, the Emperor and his family left for Tsarskoe Selo, where he remained until January 11. Thus, the Tsar did not know about what was happening in the capital, he was not in St. Petersburg that day, but revolutionaries and liberals attributed the blame for what happened to him, calling him “Nicholas the Bloody” from then on.
Meanwhile, the Emperor, having received news of what had happened, wrote in his diary that day, somewhat violating his usual dry style of summarizing current events: “Hard day! Serious riots occurred in St. Petersburg due to the workers’ desire to reach the Winter Palace. The troops had to shoot in different places in the city, there were many killed and wounded. Lord, how painful and difficult!..”
By order of the Sovereign, all victims and families of those killed were paid benefits in the amount of one and a half years' earnings of a skilled worker. On January 18, Minister Svyatopolk-Mirsky was dismissed. On January 19, the Tsar received a deputation of workers from large factories and factories of the capital, who already on January 14, in an address to the Metropolitan of St. Petersburg, expressed complete repentance for what had happened: “Only in our darkness did we allow that some persons alien to us expressed political desires on our behalf” and asked convey this repentance to the Emperor.
However, the revolutionary provocateurs achieved their goal, now all that remained was to exaggerate passions. On the same night, January 9, Gapon (he fled from the procession at the first shots) published a call for a riot, which, due to the blood shed and mainly due to the incitement of most of the press, caused unrest in many places in Russia that lasted more than two years. In October, the entire country was paralyzed by a strike, which caused many casualties...
“What is most regrettable is that the unrest that has occurred was caused by bribery from the enemies of Russia and all public order. They sent significant funds in order to create civil strife among us, in order to distract workers from work to prevent the timely dispatch of sea and ground forces to the Far East, to complicate the supply of the active army and thereby bring untold disasters on Russia...”
The name of the provocateur “Pop Gapon” became a household name, but his fate was unenviable. Immediately after the provocation, he fled abroad, but by the fall he returned to Russia with repentance and, whitewashing himself, began to expose the revolutionaries in print. Head of the St. Petersburg security department A.V. Gerasimov describes in his memoirs that Gapon told him about the plan to kill the Tsar when he came out to the people. Gapon replied: “Yes, that’s true. It would be terrible if this plan came true. I found out about it much later. It was not my plan, but Rutenberg’s... The Lord saved him...”
On March 28, 1906, Gapon was executed by the same Rutenberg in the village of Ozerki, by decision of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. “The Moor did his job...” - and was removed to hide traces of provocation. According to a Jewish source, Rutenberg after this “underwent a rite of return to Judaism in Italy in 1915 with the scourging due to him, became close with Jabotinsky, then with Weizmann and Ben-Gurion, participated in an attempt to organize the Jewish Legion... In 1922 moved to Palestine forever."
Discussion: 68 comments
Please tell me in what month did Bloody Sunday end???
But, unfortunately, many people are still deceived and believe that the Holy Tsar was to blame for all the troubles of Russia and always blame Bloody Sunday on him!
To Anton: uh, why are you asking such stupid questions, my friend?
Excellent. Otherwise you live with garbage in your head, which
They poured it there back in Soviet school.
I have a question
Why was the king not in the city? and why weren’t the scoundrel revolutionaries arrested in advance and the marches allowed? Who and where fired from the crowd and how many policemen and soldiers died?
This article raises more questions than it answers. What kind of king is this if he doesn’t know what’s going on in his state? What merits do you praise the king for today? after all, murder is a grave sin, be it committed by the tsar (albeit indirectly) or by the Bitsevsky maniac
Save us, Lord, from idiots and anti-Semites! By the way, author! Emperor Nicholas II began to be called “bloody” not since 1905, but long before that. Our last tsar received this nickname after his coronation in 1896, when there was a mass stampede on Khodynka. A lot of people died.
Please respond to my review, maybe I'm wrong?
Well, it’s true that the uterus hurts the eyes, and the moderator???
The truth doesn't hurt our eyes. Only there is no truth in your malice. We can post any opinions based on facts, but not blasphemy against St. Sovereign. Unfortunately, it is impossible to sweep away your garbage within the framework of short responses. We suggest opening a discussion on our forum - they will answer you in detail there. Here we will answer only the main question: why did the Tsar not prevent the tragedy. Because no ruler can “know” and control everything and everyone. In addition, to anticipate and prevent all the insidious actions of attackers, provocateurs and demons acting secretly and without rules. If this were possible, there would be “heaven on earth.” A war was then started against Orthodox Russia by all the united anti-Russian forces using all unexpected provocative methods. When this became clear, the response to these forces, on behalf of the Emperor, was given by Stolypin. But on January 9, 1905, no one could yet know that the “first revolution” was being prepared. And one cannot blame the Tsar for the fact that the Jews started this vile war against him, including sowing slanderous garbage into the heads of both the people and the intelligentsia. And the best representatives of the ruling class and law enforcement agencies simply began to be shot - more than 10 thousand. And not everyone was able to find a replacement...
There is only one answer to the question of why Bloody Sunday happened:
Every nation deserves its own ruler.
Why Lenin: see above.
Why Stalin: see even higher.
And so on.
If the people themselves do not want to leave serfdom, then no Gapon will give them freedom.
Once again: every nation deserves its own ruler.
I am teaching at school now. We are just going through this topic, God only knows how hard it is! Of course, that’s not what they say in textbooks!
It’s sad that the current Bolshevik bastards howl to the evil cries of the Jews, who hate everything Russian, Orthodox and, of course, our Tsar, the holy martyr and passion-bearer, to the point of diarrhea. He is a martyr because he was killed by the Jews, and a passion-bearer because his Russian compatriots not only did not prevent this vile ritual crime, but also contributed to it. As with the overthrow of the legitimate authority of the Anointed of God, so now “there are lies, cowardice and deceit all around.” The duty of honest teachers is to convey the truth about our Sovereign, the purest and most merciful of all Russian sovereigns.
I can say to Andrey-11: yes, he is worthy, and therefore now the descendants of the same Judas and Jews are in power instead of the Orthodox Tsar, as after 1917. That is why now the Russian land is populated by stray migrants, tumbleweeds, and holy places and the graves of ancestors are desecrated.
The article is an example of dishonest journalism and has no relation to history. For some reason Multatuli in in this case didn’t sign, although the text is obviously his. I write this even though I have nothing in common with Marxism and revolutionism. The problem is that most of the facts in this article were sucked out by the author, it is no coincidence and there are no links to sources. It would not hurt Pyotr Valentinovich to master at least a little source study. Copying something from a tabloid newspaper or a dubious memoir does not mean establishing a fact. Otherwise the experts will laugh at him. And no correct Orthodox beliefs will help him.
Thank you for your attention. Multatuli has nothing to do with this article, it is written by the calendar compiler based on various sources(zh-l “Veche”, etc.). And the “Church historian” should point out possible errors (they can never be excluded; we would be grateful for corrections) and sign the criticism with his name so that we can judge its quality. So far, his unsubstantiated remark has no value here. And it has nothing to do with history.
I read your links - thank you. I didn’t find any errors, but I added some facts and quotes. However, I cannot agree with your proposed “moral assessment” of the Synodal Commission for the Canonization of Saints of the MP, that “a certain share of responsibility for the tragic events of January 9, 1905 can be assigned to the Sovereign from both historical and moral points of view.” Such provocations are precisely designed to create an “immoral” image of the authorities. And, unfortunately, the Synodal Commission of the MP also succumbed to this to a certain extent.
thanks but the information is false
The article is good, and most importantly, truthful. I say this as a historian. It’s sad that even now there are people who believe the Soviet interpretation.
It’s very painful and scary that all this happened in our Russia. It’s upsetting to tears!!! Thank you for the article, very interesting and informative.
This is the truth!!! And SHAME on the moderator for oppressing the truth!!! FOR GREAT Rus'!!!
thanks for the truth. I knew that the Emperor could not shed innocent blood!
To confirm what was written, I would like to see Gapon’s memoirs. I searched on the internet and couldn’t find it. Without confirmation, this article cannot be taken seriously.
Horror! do you all really believe this? Haven’t you realized yet that the Russian Orthodox Church is an ordinary sect extracting money from us! Gentlemen, come to your senses, there is no God!
I completely agree with the author of the article in the truth he conveys, but not in the specific truth. Better article rework so that they are compatible (the article, for example, talks about the abolition of taxes in general, while the workers ask for the abolition of only indirect ones).
Original text of the petition of St. Petersburg workers:
And I completely agree: the demands are impossible! 8 hour work day? With low labor productivity, this is impossible, but the owner also needs to eat. A salary of 1 ruble a day? To wander around restaurants? No way. And in general, my great-great-grandfather told me that Putilov’s workers drank champagne in buckets. No, the Emperor did everything right, he thought about preserving the purity, deep asceticism and splendor of the people’s body!
ROC - The Russian Orthodox Church is not a bunch of OFFICIALS IN CASSBALLS, but the SUMMARY OF ALL CHRISTIANS, both living and dead. From the fact that you are very embittered by the thievery of a number of officials in cassocks, it does not at all follow that there is no God! On the contrary, for our sins the Lord ALLOWS such, so to speak, “hierarchs”, so that we, having delved into the Truth, can finally SEE THE ROOT of our troubles...
Unfortunately, the patriotic movement is now teeming with GAPONs, which contributes to disunion into small groups and “deviation from the route” (military)
Here is what the poet Konstantin Balmont wrote:
But it will happen - the hour of reckoning awaits.
Who began to reign - Khodynka,
He will end up standing on the scaffold.
When the obscene Roma Trachtenberg was buried (with a rabbi) at the St. Petersburg JUDIAN CEMETERY NAMED AFTER THE VICTIMS OF JANUARY 9, many Russian simpletons finally thought: it’s strange why the victims of “Bloody Sunday” are entirely Jews? How could they go “with portraits of the Tsar and icons” if...? But the “Church historians” are apparently going to rest next door to Trachtenberg!
To catch up.
It dawned on me: the “historian of the Church” is, after all, Georgy Mitrofanov himself, deigned to come to the site?! Log in, my friend!
Here we still need to figure out what kind of agents of the BACKSTAGE, entrenched then almost at the very Throne, CANCELLED all security measures during the Coronation and introduced GOAT PROVOCATORS into the people's crowd, who acted in the same way as on January 9.
And Mr. Balmont was very far from looking at the ROOT, for hatred of the Autocrat overshadowed his mind, as well as his other fellow intellectuals...
the Tsar is guilty, he could not have known about the upcoming execution of the working people
The emperor did not know about the execution of the workers. He was not in St. Petersburg. My great-grandfather served in the cavalry regiment of Nicholas II. He lived 92 years, dying, in oblivion, “fought” for the Tsar and the Fatherland in Russo-Japanese War- he had dying visions and again saw himself as a young non-commissioned officer at the front. When on January 9, senior officers gave the order to shoot into the crowd, Nicholas II’s cavalry regiment fired into the air, because it was obvious to them that this was treason and a provocation, designed to denigrate the Tsar in the eyes of Russia.
Thank you very much for being there. I have been looking for like-minded people for a long time. In the face of the growing danger of the resuscitation of Leninism, duping the population and depriving it of its historical roots, only our unity on the basis of the Holy Orthodox Church and the Russian Idea can and, I am sure, will save our Fatherland. WE ARE TOGETHER!
What is especially interesting is that the first blood was shed not by the workers, but by the soldiers. Something to think about!!!
We are still waking up! and glory to the Lord!
Nicholas II is God's anointed and the redeemer of Russia before the Lord! If it weren’t for Him, there wouldn’t be us, Russia, i.e.
in Him is our salvation, and in our repentance for our betrayal of the Orthodox Faith and the Tsar-Father!
and he alone is the legitimate Sovereign of the Russian land to this day! (autocracy and autocracy are different things) he is already gathering his army from those walking on our land, in whom he still lives true love to our Lord and selfless devotion to the Orthodox Faith, to come and forever establish the power of God on Russian land and save us from the Judeo-Masonic yoke and ecumenist heresy!
Get ready, prepare your heart and soul! I woke up myself - help someone else!
Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for righteousness, for they will be satisfied.
Blessed are those who are persecuted for the sake of righteousness, for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven.
Blessed are you when they revile you and persecute you and slander you in every way unjustly because of Me.
Rejoice and be glad, for great is your reward in heaven: just as they persecuted the prophets who were before you. (Gospel of Matthew 5.6; 5.10; 5.11-12)
I’ll probably say this harshly, but the nameless author would have been a huge success in Komsomol times - in Soviet agitprop. This propaganda, with careful spelling of the word “Sovereign” with a capital letter, with pink monarchical saliva, is ideal for fighters against Jews and lovers of the “tsar-redeemer” - facts are not so important to them. I can’t say that this is a complete lie, no, everything is written in the best traditions of the Soviet Union: we take some superficial fact and from it we develop a picture that is completely untrue. I'll give an example to make it clearer.
In this anonymous article:
“On January 19, the Tsar received a deputation of workers from large factories and factories of the capital, who already on January 14, in an address to the Metropolitan of St. Petersburg, expressed complete repentance for what had happened: “Only through our darkness did we allow that some persons alien to us expressed political desires on our behalf” and asked to convey this repentance to the Emperor"
Is that how it was? Yes, BUT: there is no mention of a “small” detail: these 34 “deputies” were forcibly recruited by the police from among, so to speak, “reliable elements” according to lists compiled in advance, and urgently taken to the emperor, and they were searched and even banned communicate with each other.
There's a difference, isn't there?
“The head of the St. Petersburg security department, A.V. Gerasimov, describes in his memoirs that Gapon told him about the plan to kill the Tsar when he came out to the people. Gapon replied: “Yes, that’s true. It would be terrible if this plan came to fruition. I found out about him much later. It was not my plan, but Rutenberg’s... The Lord saved him..."
So? Yes - BUT again" small nuance": besides Gerasimov, not a single source (and there are a lot of them) confirms this, but Gerasimov certainly cannot be considered an objective source.
And so the anonymous author, in general, wrote his entire text: pulled up, arranged and presented - just to a properly engaged public. But not for those who are interested in how it really happened.
But how did everything really happen, Dmitry? It seems to you that you know this for certain... Are you a long-liver hiding from the media, a participant in that very “peaceful” march? Open our dark eyes to what is happening. The author, a champion and zealot of the Orthodox Autocracy, would have had enormous success during the times of the atheistic Soviet regime... You are right more than ever. He would undoubtedly have been immediately awarded the Stalin Prize and enthusiastically received at all the most high levels and would provide him with all the conditions for a peaceful and serene life in a Soviet concentration camp. Dimitri, you combine incompatible things in your head. This is a warning sign.
I was interested in this tragedy a lot. At first glance, for uninquiring minds, the accusation against the king is obvious, and not many have understood the truth. I am grateful to the author of the article, because this is the truth.
I found valuable information! My grandfather, Chief Engineer of the Putilov Plant, was on that deputation that was received by the Tsar on January 19, 1905. I know for sure that he was immediately imprisoned and we don’t know anything else about him. Since his wife Anna Konstantinovna Govorova is my grandmother .His name was Sergei, unfortunately I don’t even know his middle name. If anyone has any information, please share!!!
I didn’t find anything in the reviews about the question I was interested in! I would like to add. By that time my grandfather Sergei Govorov already had three children and the fourth was my mother Olga Sergeevna Govorova, born on July 24, 1905. half a year later her husband was arrested. And my grandmother gave birth not in St. Petersburg, but in Dnepropetrovsk. With “Comrades” in the Social Democratic party. I believe that my grandfather suffered politically. I am stating facts not for discussion. You can’t redo history! I just want to know. What happened to him?
Nicholas 2 was called “bloody” not because of January 9, 1905, but because of the day of his coronation on the Khodynka Field, when more than 3,000 people died in a stampede during the distribution of gifts. If an error is given in such trifles, can you trust all the information???
There is no mistake here. It doesn't matter when someone called first. It is important when, why and for what purpose this label was stuck on and began to be actively exaggerated as a revolutionary slogan precisely in connection with “Bloody Sunday” - to justify and promote the revolution. If this is not clear to you, then please reserve your teachings for more justified examples of my mistakes. I am always grateful for their corrections.
Thank you very much for the article. I knew that “Bloody Sunday” was a provocation, but had no evidence of this, I doubted it. Our textbooks do not contain such information, teachers teach in a different direction. When I read this article, I was very pleased that at least someone -he speaks the truth, the truth erased from the consciousness of our people over the years of the Soviet period. Thank you very much!
So, what has changed since then in Russia? Nothing...
Thank you*)
Bloody Sunday is a pure provocation thanks for the article
“Bloody Resurrection” is not an isolated incident taken out of time.
According to the 4th State Duma, from 1901 to 1914. tsarist troops opened fire more than 6 thousand times (almost every day), including artillery, on peaceful rallies and demonstrations of workers, on gatherings and processions of peasants. The number of victims exceeded 180 thousand people. Another 40 thousand people died in prisons and hard labor.
One thing is obvious: those marching (Jan 9) were not armed.
Naturally, a variety of revolutionary and opposition forces tried to use this grandiose demonstration-march-religious procession for their own purposes.
It turns out that in almost every village the tsarist troops fired artillery at peasant gatherings?.. Doesn’t your number of victims exceed the number of participants in the gatherings? This digital information about the evil tsarist troops is clearly from the same kitchen as the “millions killed” during the Baptism of Rus'.
This is not what “comes out” for us. This is according to the State Duma of the IV convocation.
/IV State Duma. On February 25, 1917, Emperor Nicholas II signed a decree to terminate the Duma until April of the same year; Being one of the centers of opposition to Nicholas II, the Duma refused to submit, meeting in private meetings.../
And don’t distort: “including artillery” does not mean “only artillery”
My opinion: The Tsar did a lot to prevent the revolutionary breakdown of the foundations of the state, but you cannot change the course of History. The withdrawal was overdue and it happened.
P.S. And foundations are always broken with blood, be it baptism (the essence of rebaptism into a different faith) or a change of system.
Well, yes, in this State Duma only lovers of truth gathered who did not slander the Tsar and did not prepare a revolution... Therefore, one must certainly believe in the “honesty” of the 180 thousand victims of “evil tsarism” they indicate, how could it be otherwise...
I didn’t say anything “about the evil tsarist troops” or about “evil tsarism” - these are your words.
For me, whether it’s the Tsar or the Secretary General... I’m interested in facts.
However, it is important for believers to believe, not to know.
Pop Gapon defended the rights of the working people, which means he was against the authorities and against the church feeding on the authorities.
The Bolsheviks did not need any defenders of the people other than themselves.
Both those, and others, and others, without agreement, enlisted Gapon as a provocateur.
Listen to some - the revolution in Russia began with Priest Gapon!
........................
Nicholas II was very unlucky - his reign fell at a turning point in history. Fodalism in Russia was replaced by wild and unbridled capitalism, which led the country to revolution.
nonsense, the church would not have canonized the Tsar if everything happened as they say in history books
The strange holiness of the king, under whom the power collapsed.
The fact that the organization “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers”, which was headed by Gapon, is not mentioned is very strange. Meanwhile, this organization was created with the participation of an official of the police department, Zubatov. So there is no need to attribute everything to essayers. The police were obviously aware. I will soon believe that the police gentlemen and others like them were the authors of this provocation. According to one version, in February 1917, they also wanted to delay several trains with bread to Petrograd, provoke unrest, and suppress them for the sake of raising wages (Nicholas had previously refused to raise them - there was a war after all). So to speak, demonstrate your need. (doesn't seem true?)
And Gapon, apparently a very controversial person, decided to hope that there would be no bloodshed. But I miscalculated.
As for the execution of Gapon, it is unclear. By that time, he again began communicating with officials - write for yourself. Everything he could give out he could give out. So there was no need to hide any ends.
<<По одной из версий в феврале 1917 они тоже хотели задежали несколько поездов с хлебом в Петроград, спровоцировать беспорядки, и подавить их ради повышения зарплаты>>
There was hardly any need to provoke riots.
Abolished, but preserved serfdom - the land remained with the landowners; the chaos of young Russian capitalism plus war - leading the people to poverty... everything was boiling, everything was cracking, everything was coming apart at the seams.
Again - first promotion, and then suppression - first money, then chairs! And everyone knows that wages are not raised during war.
That’s when the truth is revealed, he has lived. And they still hide a lot from us!
Certainly! The “pink and fluffy” Tsar, the “royal sufferer,” herded several tens of thousands of soldiers and gendarmes into the city, hoping that they would “politely” ask the desperate workers to get off the streets, and he himself fled to Tsarskoye. A fool understands that in this situation shooting will begin! And then this “holy man” had the audacity to “forgive” the workers! It’s disgusting that now they are trying to fill our brains with stories about the “good” Sovereign and stupid workers who fell under the corrupting influence of certain forces hostile to Russia, seeking to destroy it from the inside! We had something like this recently, if you strain your memory... Thus, the new round of history, which is now being actively rewritten, is no different from the previous one. And we will step on the same rake again!
No one is messing with your brains, my dear; they have long been cemented by Bolshevik propaganda. Read more, although it may be useless. But speaking about the Emperor, who suffered a painful death, in such a tone is not permissible and shows you not with the best side. Solzhenitsyn gave the definition of EDUCATION to people like you.
Thank you! I really liked the article. It’s nice that they write the truth. These Soviet school textbooks are impossible and unpleasant to read.. I am the only student who reads additional information that contradicts the absurdity in the textbook. The rest accept the “truth.” And the teacher is actively promoting communism.
Governor General Trepov and Metropolitan Yuvinaliy immediately, without delay, identified those who organized the provocation: it turned out that they were the Japanese, to whom Russia had just lost the war (I wonder who was to blame for this defeat? Probably Lenin and Gapon together). Ask ,why the Japanese? very simple: Trepov still did not know anything that in a few years another force would appear - the Bolsheviks. Since the one who wrote the article forgot about the Japanese, but knew about the Bolsheviks what they were at the end of 17, he decided not to philosophize and call them provocateurs ... Ignoring the speech of the people is like ignoring diarrhea: not from a great mind..
The king knew everything perfectly well, he could not help but know! And Bloody Sunday is also on his conscience... Such a crowd could only be contained by gunfire, otherwise they would have destroyed and burned St. Petersburg. Now the royal family is ranked among the Holy Passion-Bearers, but... Nicholas II and his family were shot in the same way as the workers in 1905... That is, the evil returned to the king 13 years later. In February 1917, the Tsar abdicated the throne and Russia, which was unthinkable for God’s anointed to do! They also demanded renunciation from Paul the First, but he went to his death, but did not sign the renunciation! Even though Paul was considered an eccentric, a tyrant, and a hysterical woman, at a tragic, fatal moment for himself, he remained faithful to the throne and Russia.
Thank you for the truth. Glory to the great King!
yes guys. Now we have lost more than 12 million people; on leaving the union there were 160 million due to all the stupidity; and Lenin and the Jews were not enough, the Russian authorities were not enough, and most importantly, I don’t remember that in the USSR someone tried to pinch us, like the Caucasians, everyone was cultured and the Russian people did not die out like mammoths.
Ignoring the demands of the people, it is impossible to ignore the laws of class struggle.
There are some inconsistencies here and there and the material, in my opinion, needs improvement)
On January 9 (22 New Style), 1905, a demonstration consisting of several thousand workers was shot in St. Petersburg. This day has since been called “Bloody Sunday”. The beginning of January was marked by a general political strike. At least 111 thousand people took part in it.
The workers' main demands were:
- call pay;
- eight-hour working day;
- abolition of mandatory overtime work.
The plan for organizing a peaceful process to the government with a petition was proposed by priest Georgy Gapon. This petition included not only economic, but also political demands. The scale of the strike movement frightened the government so much that serious forces were pulled into Moscow - up to 40 thousand police and military.
The date of "Bloody Sunday" (January 9) was set for the move to, since a small part of the workers still retained faith in it. It is worth noting that in the current situation the demonstration was of a very provocative nature. It was not possible to prevent it.
The workers, accompanied by their wives and children, carrying portraits of the Tsar and banners, moved towards the Winter Palace. However, the procession at 12 noon was attacked at the Neva Gate by cavalry, and the infantry fired five volleys. G. Gapon then disappeared. An hour later, near the Trinity Bridge, fire was opened on the demonstrators from the St. Petersburg and Vyborg sides. The Winter Unit of the Preobrazhensky Regiment also fired several volleys at people in the Alexander Garden. In total, during “Bloody Sunday” of 1905, up to 1 thousand people died and up to 2 thousand people were injured. This bloody massacre marked the beginning
The eternal question: are the people a silent crowd and just a pawn in the great games of power, or a powerful force that decides the history of the state and even humanity as a whole. The chronicles of times count many events that became turning points in history, where the main participants were ordinary people who united in a “crowd” of outraged people. One of the significant events in the history of our state is designated as “Bloody Sunday, January 9, 1905.” It is quite difficult to briefly talk about this turning point in history - many views and opinions of historians still cannot find the point of truth and truth.
Georgy Gapon - a genius or a villain?
The leading role in the events of 1905 was given to the clergyman Georgy Gapon. The personality is very ambiguous. A native of Ukraine, he was distinguished by his extraordinary abilities, curiosity, artistry and unique ability to master words in such a way that he could “ignite hearts” for exploits and achievements.
From an early age, having become fascinated by Tolstoy’s books, Georgy inspired himself to ideologically follow “kindness and love for one’s neighbor.” His sincere desire to protect those who came into contact with injustice became a powerful incentive for ordinary working citizens to trust their defender.
Gradually, after successful performances before the people, spiritual ideology was replaced by narcissism and the thirst to become a people's leader. Continuing to create Russian meetings factory workers to protect the rights of the working population, and at the same time found connecting threads with representatives of the current government.
All this was to the advantage of both sides of the “barricades”: the authorities were in the know folk events, and ordinary working people had the opportunity to report their problems and demands to higher authorities. Unconditional trust in the defender played a historical role in the tragedy of January 9, 1905.
Causes of the bloody tragedy on Sunday 1905
In the early days of 1905, a wave of indignation on the part of the working class swept across St. Petersburg over the unfair cuts made at factories. Many manufacturing enterprises began to close due to waves of protest from workers.
The final peak of indignation for the already practically beggarly and disadvantaged citizens was the immediate dismissal of many workers at the Putilov plant. People rebelled and went to seek restoration of justice from their defender and warrior for the truth, Gapon.
The savvy leader, dressed in a church cassock, suggested that his charges organize a petition to the king: put their demands and aspirations on paper and unite as a single force to march to the monarch for justice.
The solution to the problem seemed quite humane and effective. Many citizens perceived this day as significant date in their personal biography: They washed themselves, dressed in their best clothes, took their children with them - they are going to the king!
Having previously compiled the text of the petition, Gapon also outlined the conventional signs that he would give to the people after a personal meeting with Nicholas II:
- white scarf, thrown up - victory for justice, for the people;
- red scarf- the monarch rejected the petition.
Gapon assured the people that the authorities would not take violent and forceful actions against the crowd, which was determined to make an honest decision on the part of the tsar.
What did people bring to the king?
It is worth mentioning separately the main points of the petition to the king. What demands were put forward? Let us list the dominant aspirations of the people:
- The individual must be free and inviolable;
- The education of the people is carried out at the expense of the state;
- Everyone is equal before the law;
- Separate church and state;
- Eliminate inspection activities in factories;
- The working day is no more than 8 hours;
- Increase wages for workers;
- Indirect taxes should be abolished;
- Freedom for trade unions.
This is not the entire list of indicated requests to the autocratic ruler. But these points are enough to understand how much the people were driven into a corner of lack of rights and despair.
The brutal events of January 9, 1905
The letter was drawn up, the leader inspired the people and clearly planned the time for each part of the population to leave different corners St. Petersburg, in order to carry out a general meeting of all citizens who came out at the Winter Palace. And no one in the crowd of marchers expected subsequent actions from the authorities.
Why the people were met with brutal resistance with the use of weapons - historians still explain differently. Some argue that the desire for unlimited leadership and self-affirmation played an evil game with Gapon and he notified “his own” in the relevant law and order structures, in order to reach the heights of his own ruling.
To add to the credibility of their point of view, these historical scholars list some of the petition's points: freedom of the press, political parties, amnesty for political prisoners. It is unlikely that the people thought about the importance of these requirements, because the main significance of their requests was to get rid of poverty and resolve their needs. This means that the text was written by someone more interested.
Others reject this theory and tend to blame the “inactive” monarch. Indeed, at the time of the nationwide unification, there was no tsar in St. Petersburg. He and his entire family left the city the day before. Again, a dual situation arises.
It is still not clear what development of events Tsar Nicholas II was counting on, whether it was a policy of self-elimination (by that time a tense situation had already been created in the country: activity was intensifying revolutionary organizations, industry stopped, the threat of a political coup was felt) or fear of a threat to the life of your family?
In any case, the absence of the main decision-maker at that time led to tragedy. No order was given from the palace to stop the resistance of the people. Not only were threatening cries used by the marching crowd, but weapons were also mercilessly used.
So far the exact number of killed and wounded civilians not defined. Many historians are inclined to claim that the number of victims reaches 1000. Official data stated that 131 were killed and 238 wounded.
Sunday January 9, 1905 - the first news of the revolution of 1905-1907
The protest demonstration, which did not foretell any dire consequences, turned into a tragic bloody Sunday on January 9, 1905. The goal of the people of Russia was briefly and clearly stated - to achieve justice by overthrowing the ruling autocratic force in Russia.
As a result of what happened on a January Sunday in 1905, notes of protest against the tsar, who was removed from power in difficult moments of the state, resounded loudly throughout the country. The slogans began to be followed by rallies and active protests from all the outskirts of Russia. It was approaching.
Video: What led to the events of Bloody Sunday?
In this video, historian Oleg Romanchenko will tell you what happened on that Sunday:
