Officially, the Chinese government pursues an independent and peaceful foreign policy, the main goal of which is to create a strong and powerful united China, protect the independence and sovereignty of the country, and create a favorable environment for economic development and openness to the outside world.
China's policy of peaceful existence is based on the basic five principles formed in 1954:
1. Mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity;
2. Non-aggression;
3. Mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs;
4.Equality and mutual benefit. China officially firmly adheres to openness to the outside world and actively develops cooperation with all countries on the basis of equality and mutual benefit;
5.Peaceful coexistence.
Thus, Beijing's official foreign policy position is to maintain a peaceful international environment, renounce any claims to hegemony, promote common development, and defend world peace. Based on these principles, China has established diplomatic relations with 161 countries.
The main directions of China's foreign policy:
1)Development of diplomatic relations between China and the United States. Sino-American relations throughout the 20th century were quite complex and unstable. In the 50s, China opposed American aggression in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which led to China's subsequent exclusion from the UN Council and the signing of an agreement between the United States and Taiwan on cooperation and joint defense. Relations became even more strained after the American war in Vietnam. Only in 1969 did China and the United States take the first steps towards peace. In 1971, China finally joined the UN. Since that time, there has been a warming in relations between the two powers. In 1972, American President Nixon recognized Taiwan as part of China, and in 1979 the countries officially established diplomatic relations. Relations cooled somewhat after the 1989 uprisings in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, when the West sharply condemned the actions of the Chinese government, but overall this did not weaken economic ties between the two countries.
2) Normalization and development of relations with India. Relations between India and China became strained as a result of the suppression of an uprising in Tibet by Chinese troops in 1959, after which the Dalai Lama and part of the Tibetan population fled to India, where they found support from the Indian government. The rapprochement of the countries became possible only in 1977, when the countries again exchanged diplomats. Officially, diplomatic relations were established in the early 80s. Although there are still a number of unresolved territorial issues between China and India, India is China’s most important strategic partner, and trade relations between the countries are actively developing.
3) Development of Sino-Japanese relations. For more than 40 years, Japan has been China's main trading partner, but despite this, political relations between the two countries remain difficult and periodically experience periods of tension. The main obstacles to the normalization of political relations between the two countries can be called following points: Japanese position regarding Taiwan, China's dissatisfaction with the forms of Japan's apology for the aggression of 1937-1945, the Japanese prime minister's visit to the temple where the main Japanese war criminals were canonized, disagreements in the interpretation of history, the growing military power of China, etc. The last conflict broke out in September 2010, when in the disputed waters of the East China Sea, where deposits were discovered natural gas, Japanese authorities detained a Chinese fishing vessel. The conflict was aggravated by the sudden death in a Japanese zoo of a panda loaned by China, for which the Celestial Empire demanded compensation in the amount of $500,000. So far, the territorial dispute remains unresolved, but both states are interested in the peaceful resolution of these conflicts and the development of political and economic relations.
4) China-Russia. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation characterizes Russian-Chinese relations as stable and dynamically developing in all areas. In 2001, the countries signed the Treaty of Good Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation, which reflects the basic principles of relations. In the same year, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan founded the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the main objectives of which are strengthening stability and security, combating terrorism, separatism, extremism, drug trafficking, developing economic cooperation, energy partnership, scientific and cultural interaction. In 2008, all territorial issues, the discussion of which began back in 1964, were finally resolved between China and Russia. Russia recognizes Taiwan and Tibet as an integral part of China.
5) Restoration of territorial integrity. In the 80-90s of the 20th century, during peace negotiations, China regained Hong Kong (Hong Kong) and Macau (Macau). However, there is still an unresolved conflict with Taiwan. In 1949, the Communists, having won the civil war over the government of Chiang Kai-shek, announced the creation of the People's Republic of China. The overthrown government fled to Taiwan, where it established the Kuomintang regime, receiving active support from the United States. China claims sovereignty over the island and does not rule out a forceful solution to the problem. Recognition of Taiwan as an integral part of China is one of the main conditions for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the PRC and other countries. In recent years, with the rise of new leaders in the United States and Taiwan, the possibility of closer and more constructive cooperation between the three parties in the near term has emerged.
6)Development of relations between China and Africa. Friendly relations between China and African countries have received a new impetus for development in recent years: every year the trade turnover between China and African countries increases several times. China has become Africa's second largest trading partner after the United States and its presence on the continent is growing steadily. Most African countries have already recognized Taiwan as part of China and have severed diplomatic relations with the Taiwanese government. Thus, China not only gained an important trade and strategic partner, but also received additional support on the Taiwan issue. Every three years, since 2000, countries have participated in the China-Africa Cooperation Forum summits, during which social projects on the African continent are also discussed. Every year, more than 15,000 students are sent from African countries to study at Chinese universities.
Source: http://chinatrips.ru/guide/overview/foreign-policy.html.
- what organizations does china belong to?
foreign and domestic policy of China
Foreign policy ChinaINDEPENDENT. INDEPENDENT, PEACEFUL FOREIGN POLICY
This is the course China follows in international relations. China's foreign policy is characterized by the following fundamental points:
— China independently and independently develops its position and political course on all international issues; he does not enter into any alliances or establish any strategic relations with major powers or blocs of countries, and opposes hegemony and power politics.
— The goal of China's foreign policy is to protect world peace and create a peaceful international environment conducive to the country's modernization.
“China strives to develop relations with all countries on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence, namely: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.”
— Strengthening solidarity and cooperation with developing countries of the Third World, developing good-neighborly friendly relations with neighboring countries - this is the cornerstone of China's foreign policy.
— China advocates the creation of a system international relations and a new international political and economic order based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence.
FIVE PRINCIPLES FOR PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE
China has always stood for being guided in the formation of interstate relations by the five principles of peaceful coexistence, and not taking the social system, ideology or ideas of values as a criterion.
Back in December 1953, the late Premier of the State Council of China Zhou Enlai, in a conversation with the Indian delegation, first put forward five principles of peaceful coexistence: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, peaceful coexistence.
In June 1954, during a visit to India and Burma, Premier Zhou Enlai, together with the Prime Ministers of India and Burma, issued joint communiques in which the five principles of peaceful coexistence were solemnly proclaimed. At the Conference of Asian and African Countries held in Bandung in April 1955, Premier Zhou Enlai again presented the Five Principles. As a result of the joint work of the participants of the Bandung Conference, the main provisions of these principles were included in the declaration it adopted.
The five principles of peaceful coexistence were included in the Constitution of the People's Republic of China in 1982 and they became the fundamental principles that guide China in establishing and developing friendly relations with all countries of the world.
PRINCIPLES FOR ESTABLISHING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS OF CHINA WITH OTHER COUNTRIES
On October 1, 1949, on the day of the proclamation of the People's Republic of China, the Chinese government solemnly declared: “This government is the only legitimate government representing all the peoples of the People's Republic of China. This Government desires to establish diplomatic relations with the Government of any country provided that it expresses its willingness to observe the principles of equality, mutual benefit and mutual respect for territorial sovereignty."
There is only one China in the world. Taiwan Province is an integral part of the territory of the People's Republic of China. The government of any country entering into diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China must unequivocally declare the cessation of all diplomatic relations with the administration of Taiwan and the recognition of the government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legitimate government of China. The Chinese government will categorically not reconcile itself with the provocative actions of any country pursuing the goal of creating “two Chinas” or “one China and one Taiwan”; it will categorically not reconcile itself with the fact that a country that has established diplomatic relations with the PRC enters into any kind of official relations with Taiwan administration.
Based on the above principles, China has established diplomatic relations with 161 countries of the world (countries are arranged in chronological order, dates of establishment of diplomatic relations are indicated):
Source: http://www.abirus.ru/content/564/623/627/634/11272.html
Chinese foreign policy in the 20th century
Basic principles of Chinese foreign policy
The official beginning of the policy of reform and opening up in China is considered to be 1978, in December of which a truly historical event took place - the plenum of the Eleventh CPC Central Committee. At the end of the 70s of the twentieth century, the country faced the most difficult problems of choosing a path further development. Since the 1980s, the PRC has skillfully acted in a number of triangles of bilateral relations. China has flexibly lined up, firstly, in a tandem of superpowers, secondly, in the space of “three worlds”, and thirdly, in three quite different parts of the developing world - Asia, Africa, Latin America.
China pursues an independent, independent and peaceful foreign policy. Its mission is to preserve peace on the planet and promote overall development. China wishes to join the people of the world to jointly promote the noble cause of world peace and development. China has a long, principled tradition of neutrality. At the turn of the 20th-21st centuries, China achieved considerable success along this path. The new Charter adopted at the XII Congress of the CPC in September 1982 states that the party will “defend world peace” based on five principles:
Mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity;
Non-interference in each other's internal affairs,
Equal and mutually beneficial relationships;
Peaceful coexistence with other countries of the world.
Later, in 1984, Deng Xiaoping defined the main directions of the country's foreign policy as follows: “Chinese foreign policy of the 80s, and in fact the 90s, up to the 21st century,” which can be formulated mainly in two phrases: first : fighting against hegemony and protecting world peace, second: China will always belong to the “third world”, and this is the basis of our foreign policy. We talked about our eternal belonging to the “Third World” in the sense that China, which now, of course, because of its poverty, belongs to the countries of the “Third World” and lives with all of them the same destiny, will still belong to the “Third World” world” and then when it becomes a developed country, a rich and powerful state. China will never claim hegemony, will never bully others, but will always stand on the side of the “third world.”
Based on the above, the PRC proposes the following principles of foreign policy strategy:
To correspond to the flow of history, to defend the common interests of all mankind. China wishes to make common efforts with the international community to actively promote a multipolar world, protect the harmonious coexistence of various forces, and maintain the stability of the international community; actively stimulate the development of economic globalization in a direction conducive to the achievement of shared prosperity, seek gains and avoid losses, so that it benefits all countries of the world, in particular developing ones.
Create a fair and rational new international political and economic order. All countries of the world must respect each other in politics, consult together and have no right to impose their will on others; in the economy must implement mutual stimulation and general development and not widen the gap between rich and poor; in culture must borrow from each other, flourish together and do not have the right to reject the culture of other nationalities; in the field of security must mutually trust, jointly protect, affirm new look to security, consisting of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation, to resolve disputes through dialogue and cooperation and not to use force or threaten force. Oppose various types of hegemony and power politics. China will never resort to hegemony and expansion.
Protect the diversity of the world, advocate democracy in international relations and a variety of forms of development. The world is rich and diverse. It is necessary to mutually respect cultural differences, the heterogeneity of the social system and the paths of world development, learn from each other in the process of competition and, despite existing differences, develop together. The affairs of various countries should be decided by the people themselves, the affairs of the world should be discussed on an equal basis.
Oppose all forms of terrorism. It is necessary to strengthen international cooperation, while combining various options, prevent terrorist activities and strike at them, and do our best to eradicate hotbeds of terrorism.
Continue to improve and develop relations with developed countries, focus on the fundamental interests of the people of different countries, despite differences in social systems and ideology, on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence, expand the areas of merging common interests, and it is advisable to overcome differences.
Continue to strengthen good neighborliness and friendship, uphold good neighborliness and partnership with neighbors, strengthen regional cooperation, and promote exchange and cooperation with neighboring countries to a new level.
Continue to strengthen cohesion and cooperation with the third world, promote mutual understanding and trust, enhance mutual assistance and support, expand areas of cooperation and improve the effectiveness of cooperation.
Continue to actively participate in multilateral foreign policy activities, develop its role in the UN and other international and regional organizations, and support developing countries in protecting their own legitimate interests.
Continue to uphold the principle of independence and autonomy, full equality, mutual respect and non-interference in each other's affairs, develop exchanges and cooperation with political parties and political organizations various countries and regions.
Continue to widely develop public diplomacy, expand external cultural exchanges, stimulate friendship between peoples and promote the development of interstate relations. Principles of establishing diplomatic relations with foreign countries
Based on these principles, China had established diplomatic relations with 165 countries by the end of 2002.
Apparatus and organizations of the system of foreign policy relations
The main bodies and organizations of China's foreign policy service:
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China is the operational organ of the government in charge of interstate relations, the affairs of compatriots living abroad, and the performance of consular functions. In all provinces, autonomous regions and centrally subordinate cities, Foreign Affairs Offices have been established, responsible for external relations within their competence and subordinate to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In special administrative regions, Offices of the Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have been created, in charge of affairs within the competence of the Central Government and relating to the government of the UAR. Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China - Li Zhaoxing; the authorized representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Hong Kong SAR is Ji Peiding, the authorized representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Macao SAR is Wang Yongxiang.
The Chinese People's Society for Friendship with Foreign Countries was founded in May 1954. Its mission is to promote the development of friendship and mutual understanding between the Chinese people and the peoples of various countries around the world. As a representative of the Chinese people, the society establishes ties with China-friendly organizations and figures from various countries and maintains mutual contacts with them. Society is the root factor of development friendly relations of the Chinese people with the people of all countries of the world and has its branches in all provinces, autonomous regions and cities directly under the central government. The chairman of the society is Chen Haosu.
The Chinese People's Society for the Study of International Relations was established in December 1949. Its mission is to study international and foreign policy issues, international exchange and the deployment of people's diplomacy in the interests of strengthening the friendship of the Chinese people with the peoples of various countries, promoting the development of China's relations with different countries to contribute to world peace. The Society maintains extensive contacts with politicians, diplomats, prominent public figures and scientists, as well as with research organizations international problems. It organizes and actively participates in various scientific symposiums and discussions, and conducts the study and exchange of opinions on international issues. The chairman of the society is Mei Zhaorong.
In the 60s XIX century China signed unequal treaties with Prussia (1861), Denmark and the Netherlands (1863), Spain (1864), Belgium (1865), Italy (1866) and Austria-Hungary (1869).
In the 70s XIX century Western powers managed to extract new concessions from China. Thus, in 1876, the Chinese authorities signed the Convention in Chefoo, which contained a significant number of concessions to Great Britain - the opening of four new ports on the river. Yangtze, the establishment of an English consulate in Dali, as well as the provision of favorable treatment in Yunnan province and the sending of an English expedition to Tibet.
In the early 80s. Franco-Chinese relations became complicated due to the Third Republic regime's colonial policy in the countries of Indochina, since the territory of Annam was at that moment in vassalage from China.
Li Hongzhang agreed in May 1884 to eliminate Annam's vassalage, but this step did not receive support in Beijing. Then the French fleet attacked the Chinese flotilla off the coast of Fuzhou province. Clashes also occurred at sea and on land, and in Indochina itself, near Tonkin.
French troops managed to capture the fortifications in Fuzhou and occupy the Paektu Islands. However, the Chinese were more successful in land battles, managing to win a victory in the Liangshan Mountains (Northern Annam) in 1885. They were unable to develop their success, since the Qing authorities agreed to sign a peace treaty in June of the same year, according to which Annam would become a French protectorate. In addition, the French received the right to free trade in Yunnan Province.
In addition to the Western powers, in the early 70s. XIX century Japan begins the struggle for influence over China. In 1872-1879 it is involved in the struggle for sole control over the Ryukyu Islands, which until that time were under dual Japanese-Chinese control.
In 1874, Japan, together with the United States, tried to capture the island. Taiwan, but after the intervention of Great Britain, which had its own interests here, they had to abandon this plan for a while.
The next territory that became the object of confrontation between Japan and China was Korea. In 1894, following the outbreak of a peasant uprising there, the Korean government turned to China for help in suppressing it. Taking advantage of the opportunity provided, Japan, on its own
initiative also sends its troops to Korean territory. A conflict arose, which led at the end of July 1894 to the sinking of a Chinese warship by the Japanese. On August 1 of the same year, Japan declared war on China.
IN ruling circles China has not reached a consensus on the future course of action. Guangxu and a number of his advisers hoped that during the upcoming war, Chinese troops would be able to defeat the Japanese. Cixi and Li Hongzhang, on the contrary, opposed the war, not unreasonably fearing defeat. Nevertheless, it was Li Hongzhang who was entrusted with commanding Chinese troops in Korea.
On September 16, 1894, in a battle near Pyongyang, Chinese troops were defeated and retreated to the river. Yalu. Soon the Japanese arrived there and simultaneously landed on the territory of the Liaodong Peninsula, capturing the port of Dalniy and Port Arthur there. The Japanese also won a victory over the Chinese fleet, the remnants of which were forced to retreat to Weihaiwei Bay.
In January 1895, a Chinese delegation was sent to Japan to negotiate peace, but they ended without results. In February, Japanese troops blocked Weihaiwei and then captured it. Only after this, in the Japanese city of Shimonoseki, Li Hongzhang was able to begin peace negotiations, which resulted in the signing of Treaty of Simoneseki which provided for China's renunciation of suzerainty over Korea, the concession to the Japanese about. Taiwan, the Liaodong Peninsula and the Penghu Islands, payment of two hundred million liang indemnity, agreement to open four new ports for trade. In addition, Japan received the right to build its industrial enterprises in China.
Russia and France, fearing Japan's growing influence in the Far East, opposed a number of articles of this treaty, primarily regarding the annexation of the Liaodong Peninsula. This forced Japan to abandon it and return it to Chinese jurisdiction.
Soon after the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, the Western powers demanded compensation from the Chinese government for their support on the issue of the status of the Liaodong Peninsula, and also expressed a desire to provide loans to China to pay the indemnity to Japan.
In 1896, a Chinese delegation led by Li Hongzhang was in Russia and took part in the celebrations of the coronation of Emperor Nicholas II. During this visit, a secret agreement was signed between the two countries on a military alliance in the event of an attack on Russia, China or Korea by Japan. In addition, China agreed to the construction of a railway near Vladivostok through the territory of Manchuria with the right to transport Russian troops along it, if necessary, as well as their use of Chinese ports.
Germany also began to be active in China at that time, seizing Jiaozhou Bay in mid-November 1897 and then securing its lease for a period of 99 years and the creation of a naval base in the port of Qingdao. In addition, under the agreement of March 6, 1898, Germany received the right to build railways in Shandong province, and German entrepreneurs had an advantage in creating their concessions there. Great Britain, in turn, obtained from the Chinese government confirmation of its preferential rights in the river valley. Yangtze.
Chinese maritime customs also came under the control of the Western powers, which deprived the country of the right to fully dispose of the income received from their activities. At the end of May 1898, the port of Weihaiwei came under British control, and at the beginning of June of the same year, an agreement was signed to expand the territory of Hong Kong to the Koulun Peninsula under the terms of its 99-year lease from China. France continued to have its interests in China. In April 1898, it received the right to build a railway from Tonkin to Yunnanfu, as well as a 99-year lease on Guangzhouwan Bay. Japan, in turn, obtained guarantees from the Qing that no part of Fujian would be alienated without its knowledge.
Thus, To end of the 19th century V. China has almost completely become a semi-colony of foreign powers, dividing its territory into spheres of their own influence.
Federal Agency for Education
State Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University
them. V.P. Astafieva
Faculty of History
Department of General History
Test
at the course Contemporary history of Asian and African countries
Foreign policy of the PRC (second half of the twentieth century)
Completed:
5th year correspondence student
Pustoshkina L.V.
Plan
Introduction
Turn to realism (70-80s)
Theory and practice
Politics and economics
Strategic defense or threat to neighbors?
Tradition and modernity
Conclusion. Specificity and universalism of China's course
Introduction
In the last two decades of the twentieth century, we witnessed the impressive rise of China's position in world politics and economics. These achievements of the country are of particular interest, since they are largely related to the state’s implementation of a strategy, to a large extent, alternative to the open and liberal models adopted by “transitional” and some developing states.
An important means of ensuring the national development strategy was the foreign policy of the PRC. It is often classified as conservative. Indeed, many fundamental foreign policy principles have remained unchanged for 50 years (they relate primarily to the understanding of the country’s sovereignty and the foundations of interaction between states), but it is also necessary to see significant changes that clearly distinguish China’s international course after the start of reforms in the late 70s and early 80s. s from the line carried out during the years of the “cultural revolution” (1966-1975). In this regard, it is worth noting that two decades ago, for the first time in the country’s history, China’s international course became the subject of scientific analysis and discussion, and the corresponding developments of analysts were embodied in the official line. At the turn of the 70s and 80s, research institutions dealing with problems of international relations were created or resumed work in China, including: the Institute of Contemporary International Relations under the State Council of the People's Republic of China; Institutes of International Problems in Shanghai and Beijing (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China); the Beijing Institute of International Strategic Studies, associated with the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff of the PLA, as well as research institutes of the PRC AON. In 1982-1983 In order to coordinate foreign policy research, the Center for Research on International Problems, headed by Huan Xiang, is created under the State Council of the People's Republic of China. Since the beginning of the 80s, the number of scientific publications devoted to issues of foreign policy of the PRC and international relations has been increasing in China (since 1981, the publication of the magazine “Guoji Wenti Yanjiu” has been resumed, the publication of the journal “Xiandai Guoji Guanxi”, which was published irregularly until 1985, began , and since 1986 - quarterly). The current foreign policy of the PRC continues to be updated, although it is largely based on the development of conceptual approaches of the 80s. It is noteworthy, however, that even then, even before the collapse of the socialist system and the collapse of the USSR, the Chinese leadership seemed to have developed a fairly productive paradigm for relations between the PRC and outside world, which fully justified itself in the dramatic circumstances of the early 90s. The process of modernizing China's foreign policy in the 90s was gradual, which is also typical for Chinese reforms. In many ways, its progress represented the completion of a structure consisting of time-tested elements and structures.
A significant feature of Chinese foreign policy remains the constant search for non-forceful, fairly economical and at the same time effective solutions that do not exclude harshness, as well as an emphasis on individual relations with individual states. Accordingly, a considerable part of the analytical work in preparing certain diplomatic moves is devoted to considering the contradictions existing in the world and the possibility of using them in the interests of the country. It is extremely rare for China to come up with any major international initiatives on its own. Typically, this country is in no hurry to assess world events, often taking a wait-and-see or neutral position. The evolution of Chinese foreign policy in the last twenty years can be presented, with some degree of schematism, in the form of several ongoing transformations and changing relationships, bearing in mind the significant difference in the “statics” of foreign policy ensuring national independence and its “dynamics”, oriented towards maintaining the process of social economic development.
Turn to realism (70-80s)
Already in the second half of the 70s, the concept of “modernization” firmly entered the life of the giant country as the main goal. However, after the December (1978) plenum of the Central Committee of the CPC of the eleventh convocation, the parameters, directions and possible pace of this process were subjected to a serious revision: the period of “settlement”, a kind of critical inventory of development resources, took approximately three years (1979-1981). The previous “four modernizations” program, enshrined in the decisions of the XI Congress of the CPC in 1977 and providing for the strengthening of the military and industrial power of the PRC in a relatively short time through large-scale imports of technology and equipment, was largely curtailed, including in the foreign economic part. With a more sober look, the country’s resources were clearly not enough for a massive industrial renewal.
The very fact of a thorough revision of the ways to implement the central idea of the country's development and recognition of the need for serious economic reforms created an important precedent - at the same time, a critical rethinking of other aspects of government activity, including foreign policy, became possible. The latter, as is known, contained a significant confrontational component, although from the end of 1977 - beginning of 1978. In the PRC they increasingly began to talk and write about the possibility of delaying the outbreak of world war and achieving a peaceful respite for the implementation of modernization plans. Let us emphasize that until the beginning of the 80s it was a question of delay, and not of the fundamental possibility of preventing the outbreak of a world war. Foreign policy of the PRC at the turn of the 70-80s. remained formally unchanged: the policy of a “united anti-hegemonic front”, proclaimed during the life of Mao Zedong in the mid-70s, was still declared. Historical inertia and the peculiarities of the international situation around China in the late 70s also had an impact. At the same time, in the early 1980s, the strategic costs of the “united front” policy began to increasingly emerge. The situation at the Chinese borders has become significantly more complicated: since the late 70s, tensions along the Sino-Soviet, Sino-Mongolian and Sino-Indian borders have been supplemented by confrontation on the Sino-Vietnamese border, the introduction of Soviet troops into neighboring Afghanistan, and the further strengthening of Soviet military potential in the Far East. East and Western Pacific, as well as cooling relations between China and the DPRK. The idea of a “united front” began to lose meaning and even turned into a threat to national security. She also found less and less understanding in the rapidly differentiated “third world,” which was concerned mainly with economic problems.
On the other hand, by the beginning of the 1980s, the tactically important goal of normalizing relations with the United States had been practically achieved. The implementation of the “united front” policy allowed China to sharply strengthen relations with this country in a short period of time, playing on Washington’s strategic interests in confronting Moscow. In December 1978, a joint Sino-American communique was published on the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries from January 1979, in which the United States recognized the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate government of China. In July 1979, the PRC and the United States signed a trade agreement, which provided for the creation of a solid long-term basis for the further development of bilateral trade and economic relations. In addition, a number of agreements on cooperation in the field of science and technology, culture, education, agriculture, space exploration, nuclear energy, etc.
In addition to their immediate significance, all these agreements opened the way for Beijing to intensify cooperation with other developed countries and, above all, Japan, on which some of the Chinese leadership placed special hopes in implementing modernization. In 1978-1980 agreements were signed between the two countries on trade, promotion of cultural exchange, scientific and technical cooperation, and a number of other agreements were reached. In August 1978, a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the PRC and Japan. Since the late 70s, meetings between the leaders of the two countries began to be held on a regular basis, trade developed steadily, the volume of which increased over the period 1977-1981. more than three times - up to a quarter of the total foreign trade turnover of the PRC. Having given a strong impetus to the development of relations between the PRC and developed countries, the “united front” policy, however, did not justify the most optimistic calculations of the Chinese leadership. In the early 1980s, it became obvious that Washington did not intend to facilitate the reunification of Taiwan with the Chinese mainland in exchange for the Chinese side maintaining a “strategic partnership” relationship with the United States. Moreover, with the advent of the Reagan administration, the United States intensified ties with Taiwan - including in the military field - to the detriment of relations with the PRC. It became obvious and limited opportunities external assistance, as well as foreign investments and loans in modernization. Western partners were ready to provide China with large loans for supplies industrial equipment(especially since during structural restructuring in developed countries significant capacity was released). However, credit conditions were very tight, prices were high, and restrictions on the transfer of advanced technology remained very strict. In May 1982, Deng Xiaoping, in a conversation with the leader of Liberia, expressed his disappointment about this: “Currently, we are pursuing a policy of economic openness, striving to use foreign capital and advanced technology, which would help us develop the economy... However, obtaining capital and advanced technology from developed countries is not an easy matter. Some people there still have the heads of the old colonialists on their shoulders, they want us dead and don’t want us to develop.”
Since the founding of the PRC in 1949, military policy has occupied and continues to occupy one of the most important places in state and party politics, which is explained by the special role of the army in the political and social life of the country at all stages of its formation and development. During the period under review, military policy evolved depending on the tasks of repelling external threats to security and normalizing the internal political situation, as well as under the influence of changes in military doctrinal views caused by the ongoing revolution in the world in the military and military-technical spheres and the process of globalization. The focus of the military-political leadership of the PRC remained ensuring the country's defense capability, internal political stability and absolute control over the armed forces by the CPC.
The period after the proclamation of the PRC was characterized by a very complex and tense situation both within the country and abroad. Significant groups of the Kuomintang army remained in the outlying regions of Southern, Southwestern and Western China total number over 2 million people, which, relying on US assistance, made efforts to regroup forces in order to take active action against the PLA and regain power in the country. The situation required the PLA command to take immediate and decisive action to suppress attempts by the reaction to gain a foothold in the southern regions of the country and continue the civil war. Fulfilling the order of Commander-in-Chief Zhu De (later Marshal of the People's Republic of China), the PLA launched a wide offensive against the enemy. In October 1949, most of Guangdong province was liberated, and in November - the provinces of Southwestern China: Guangxi, Guizhou, Sichuan, etc.; at the end of October, units of the 1st Field Army entered Xinjiang. In April 1950, the forces of the 4th Field Army, with the support of partisans, defeated a 100,000-strong enemy group on
O. Hainan, and in May the liberation of the Zhoushan Islands (southeast of the mouth of the Yangtze River) was completed. However, the armed struggle did not end there, since until mid-1950, individual units of the Kuomintang troops, as well as numerous bandit groups, continued to operate on the territory of the PRC. PLA operations against these forces were completed only in the spring of 1952.
With the outbreak of hostilities in Korea (June 1950), acts of aggression against the PRC by the United States intensified. They consisted of systematic violations of China's air borders by American aircraft, as well as shelling of the country's border areas. Under these conditions, the PRC's military policy is aimed at helping Korea repel aggression and ensuring the security of its borders 1 . To participate in hostilities against the armed coalition led by the United States, operating under the auspices of “UN troops” on the side of the South Korean army, formations of Chinese people’s volunteers were sent to Korea, the basis of which was the 13th army group consisting of 38, 39, 40 and 42nd Army Corps of the PLA. The number of coalition troops was about 1.2 million people, of which over 600 thousand were military personnel of the South Korean army, about 500 thousand were the US Armed Forces and 49 thousand military personnel from 15 countries 2 . In difficult conditions of the enemy's military-technical superiority, formations of Chinese people's volunteers carried out a number of successful operations. At the same time, for the leadership of the PRC, the war in Korea served as an argument in favor of further strengthening the national defense and modernization of the PLA.
In the first period after the formation of the PRC, assistance was crucial for the creation of a modern army at that time. Soviet Union. Soviet-Chinese military and military-technical cooperation was aimed at radically reorganizing the PLA and transforming it into a modern regular armed force. During this period, a wide network of military educational institutions was created in China, where the process of training military personnel for the PLA was built taking into account Soviet experience. The gratuitous transfer of the Chinese Eastern Railway, the port of Dalny and Port Arthur to China played a positive role in strengthening the defense capability of the People's Republic of China. Military cooperation with the Soviet Union during this period allowed China to transform the PLA from semi-guerrilla forces into regular army, consisting of types of armed forces and combat arms and equipped modern technology. At the same time, the USSR provided China with comprehensive assistance in creating military-economic potential.
In 1960-1970 military policy was built in accordance with the requirements and tasks arising from the situation “on the brink of war”; China sought to compensate for the lag in the military-technical field with a large army, high mobilization readiness of the armed forces, economy and population, which required a colossal effort of human, material and financial resources to the detriment of the implementation of not only social programs, but also the modernization of defense.
The conservatism of military-doctrinal views, which were based on adherence to the concept of “people's war,” as well as the involvement of China's top military leadership in the political struggle led to the backwardness of the Chinese army, which necessitated deep reforms in the military field. The starting point for a radical revision of military policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s was the evolution of Chinese views on the problems of war and peace, which was expressed in a departure from the concept of the fatal inevitability of a new world war. The former strategic principle of constant readiness for large-scale war to repel an attack was changed to the principle of military development in peacetime 3 .
At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. China, according to Deng Xiaoping, for the first time in modern history was able to focus on modernizing the economy and at the same time, as it developed, strengthening national defense. In contrast to the Cold War period, when the defense sector was in a privileged position and developed largely autonomously, a new concept has gradually taken hold, according to which the main guarantee of a country’s national security is its comprehensive state power. According to this concept, in modern conditions the strength of the state and its influence on international processes is determined not so much by its military potential as by the level of economic, scientific and technical development, as well as a balanced foreign policy course. “Ultimately,” said in 1987 on international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development, the then Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, Qian Qi-chen, - ensuring national independence and state security depends on economic development, national strength and active involvement in the struggle for the defense of regional and international peace, but in no case depends on a simple build-up of armaments” 4. Along with the globalization of China's security interests, this is largely based on a connection with the country's cultural heritage, manifested in the form of an appeal to the teachings of the ancient military theorist Sun Tzu. In the famous work “The Strategy of Sun Tzu” (512 BC), which retains some relevance today, the author explores the problem of how to defeat the enemy with intellect, and not just with material force. Waging war means, according to Sun Tzu, the combined use of knowledge and material resources, and knowledge and intelligence as invisible resources in many cases are more important than material (visible) resources. He considered war to be a complex multidimensional phenomenon, including the use of all means of struggle by each side, covering politics, diplomacy, science, culture and other areas.
The development of a new military doctrine took place in the context of discussions about the feasibility and possibility of further using the military ideas of Mao Zedong and the concept of “people's war”, based on a generalization of the experience of the anti-Japanese and civil wars. It was noted that these ideas are a valuable military-theoretical asset that reflects the specific path of China. At the same time, it was recognized as necessary to develop them taking into account modern conditions, “to closely monitor the strategic situation in the world, to adopt the best from foreign countries, to carefully study new directions in all countries, to study trends in the construction of foreign armies, to combine borrowing from abroad with generalization.” own experience.”^ As a result, the doctrine of “people's war in modern conditions” was adopted, which, while maintaining continuity in the name, comes from both Chinese and world experience of military development and recognizes the growing importance in modern warfare military-technical factor. This doctrine was later transformed into the “active defense” strategy, which essentially became the military doctrine of the PRC in the 21st century. This doctrine involves the construction of a powerful modernized army with a balanced ratio of types of armed forces and combat arms.
Along with this, attention to the strategy and tactics of the people's war, which is being modernized in relation to modern conditions, as well as to improve the logistics support system for the armed forces, to build reserve components, and to improve the quality parameters of defense mobilization. These measures are combined with the adoption integrated security concepts, implying the army's ability to effectively carry out both military and non-military operations (the latter refers to rescue operations during emergencies and natural disasters). 6
For historical reasons The army in China has always played and continues to play the role of an instrument of power support and maintaining internal political stability. This process began with the creation of a system of government bodies that became widespread during the civil war (1946-1949), in which military control bodies played an important role - military administrative committees (MAC) of large administrative regions of China and military control committees (VKK) cities with a population of 50 thousand people and above. The preservation of the leading political role of the army and the system of military control in the first years after the formation of the PRC was caused by objective reasons, primarily the acute shortage of politically reliable personnel, as well as significant armed resistance on the part of the Kuomintang, which required the establishment of strict military orders in places 7.
The military control bodies played a positive role in normalizing the situation in the country and in preparing the conditions for the gradual transfer of power people's governments. At the same time, fulfilling its functions as a “combat, labor and production detachment,” the PLA politically became a link in the totalitarian administrative command system, replacing many party, state and public bodies. To the greatest extent, the army was used in this capacity during the period when the Chinese leadership pursued a special course in domestic and foreign policy, called the “three red banners” course, as well as during the years of the “cultural revolution.”
Today, the army continues to perform internal functions. Although, according to the current Constitution of the People's Republic of China, these tasks are assigned to the People's Armed Police, the Law of the People's Republic of China "On National Defense" of 1997 (Article 22) provides for the possibility of using not only police forces, but also the PLA (including both active forces and and reserve troops), as well as the people's militia 8.
In recent years, these functions of the PLA have become very relevant due to the increase in the number of social incidents caused by negative consequences market transformations, such as property differentiation, reduction of cultivated areas associated with industrialization and infrastructure development, worsening environmental problems, etc. According to Japanese estimates, in the last decade the number of social incidents has been growing from year to year; in 2003 there were 60 thousand, in 2004 - 74 thousand, in 2000 - 87 thousand, in 2008 - 127 thousand, in 2010 - 180 thousand. Moreover, the protests cover not only the rural population, as was the case at the beginning, but also cities. 9
Great importance is attached to increasing the army's capabilities to prevent terrorist threats within the country. In this regard, the 4-level system of anti-terrorist forces has been improved, the main elements of which are state anti-terrorist troops, a detachment special purpose provincial level, municipal level special forces platoon and county level emergency response unit. These troops perform tasks to ensure security during major events, to protect the sites of various events, to check the safety of personnel, to protect important facilities, to set up checkpoints on important roads, and to conduct armed patrols in cities. In 2011-2012 anti-terrorism troops effectively responded to various conflicts, together with public security agencies neutralized 68 incidents, including the release of hostages, ensured security during such important international events as the XXVI Summer Universiade, EXPO China-Eurasia, Beijing summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and etc. More than 1.6 million military personnel took part in these operations 10 .
According to Chinese views, the international situation in the field of military security at the present stage, while remaining generally stable, is nevertheless characterized by the complexity and contradictory nature of global processes. The rapid development of the process of economic globalization and the acceleration of the pace of development of science and technology vigorously promote economic cooperation at the global and regional levels and strengthen the interdependence of countries. All larger number states strive to solve security and development problems through interstate dialogue, coordination of efforts and deepening cooperation 11 . At the same time, the processes of interaction between developed countries on the world stage are accompanied by increased competition between them for the planet’s resources and rivalry in the field of the balance of power. There is a growing trend of both traditional and non-traditional threats, which recently, along with terrorism, separatism and extremism, have included security problems in the fields of energy, resources, finance, information, and international transport communications. Factors of uncertainty and instability are increasing.
IN beginning of XXI century objectives of the PRC's military policy are determined by the country's leadership as follows.
- 1. Ensuring national security and national unity, ensuring the interests of the development of the nation. This involves repelling aggression, protecting land and sea borders, and airspace; countering and containing separatist forces advocating the independence of Taiwan; Implementing measures to prevent and suppress the activities of the forces of terrorism, separatism and extremism in all forms.
- 2. The historical mission of the PLA in the 21st century is to ensure the leadership of the CPC in the state, ensure the security of the country while realizing the strategic opportunity for its development, and also to fulfill the mission of maintaining world peace and promoting the process of global development. The PLA is enhancing its capabilities to counter various security threats, including crisis response, conflict prevention, and effective combat operations in the complex environment of modern warfare.
- 3. Coordinated development of national defense and economy. Modernization of the armed forces is seen as an integral part of China's social and economic development.
- 4. The revolution in military affairs with Chinese characteristics is combined with the active preparation of the army for armed struggle, mechanization and informatization, and the development of all types of armed forces and branches of the military.
- 5. Improving military organization, structure and military management based on the introduction of innovations.
- 6. Expansion of military contacts with other countries based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence, as well as the development of military cooperation relations that are not allied or confrontational and are not directed against third countries. China is participating in international cooperation in the security sector, including supporting consultation mechanisms on strategic issues with world powers and neighboring states, participates in joint military exercises on a bilateral and multilateral basis; promotes the creation of collective security mechanisms and confidence-building measures in the military field.
- 7. China's armed forces participate in peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the UN, as well as in cooperation with other countries in the fight against terrorism 12.
China believes that the greatest threat to the national security, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the PRC is the activities of separatist forces advocating the independence of Taiwan. In this regard, the Law of the People's Republic of China on counteracting the division of the state of 2005 13 defines the conditions under which China intends to use “non-peaceful and other necessary measures to protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity” (Article 8). It should be noted, however, that the actually developing process of exchange between the two banks in the political, economic and humanitarian fields (in 2012, the volume of bilateral trade reached $169 billion) 14 clearly indicates the preference for the PRC to resolve the problem through peaceful means.
Along with this, Following the global trend in the military field and relying on its growing economic power, China is pursuing a course to improve the qualitative parameters of its defense potential based on science and advanced technologies and bringing the combat training of troops and naval forces into line with the conditions of modern high-tech warfare. The main attention is paid to the re-equipment of the strategic nuclear forces, air force and navy of the PLA, which is explained by the desire to increase the potential of nuclear deterrence, as well as to protect the most economically developed eastern and coastal regions of the country from air and sea strikes. At the same time, it is recognized as necessary to preserve the strategy of “people’s war”, which is being modernized in relation to the requirements today taking into account the experience of the wars of the NATO bloc led by the United States against Iraq and Afghanistan.
Since 2006 China is implementing a program to modernize its national defense and armed forces, including three stages: until 2010 - creating the fundamental foundations of transformations, until 2020 - achieving overall progress in the main areas of modernization, until 2050 - achieving the mainly strategic goal of creating informatized armed forces capable of successfully operating in wars using information technology 15. The main content of the program at the current (second) stage is the informatization and computerization of troops and naval forces, strengthening the combat capabilities of the PLA by increasing the efficiency of interaction between the branches of the armed forces and branches of the armed forces in joint operations. The ultimate goal is to create armed forces capable of effectively implementing nuclear deterrence, operating successfully in a modern high-tech war on a local scale, as well as during anti-terrorist operations.
According to the White Paper National Defense of China - 2010 16, measures are being taken to complete mechanization and achieve progress in informatization of troops and naval forces by 2020; with an emphasis on integrating both processes using information technology. In military scientific circles, intensive research is being carried out in the field of the theory of joint operations of branches of the armed forces and branches of the armed forces (naval forces), as well as those related to the creation of new types of high-tech weapons and equipment, new types of combat forces; The transition of troops from combat training in conditions of mechanization to combat training in conditions of informatization is being carried out at an accelerated pace. In the field of military personnel training, strategic measures are being taken to attract talented people into the army. Is being systematically created modern system logistics support for troops. The state is strengthening strategic planning and leadership towards the implementation of a model of integrated development of the civil and military spheres.
The XVIII Congress of the CPC (November 2012) confirmed the commitment to implement the national defense modernization program adopted in 2006. The ultimate goal is to create armed forces capable of effectively implementing nuclear deterrence and successfully operating in a modern high-tech war on a local scale, as well as in conducting anti-terrorist operations.
Modernization of defense in accordance with the mentioned program is considered as the most important component of the modernization of the country. By 2020, it is planned to complete the mechanization of troops and make progress in their informatization. The armed forces are tasked with not only protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country along the perimeter of the borders, but also ensuring security on the seas, in the oceans, in the air, outer space and in the electronic information space.
In the field of military development, the strategy of “active defense” is maintained, which involves the creation of a powerful modern army capable of responding to sudden changes in the situation and conducting both defensive and offensive fighting in a high-tech war on a local scale 17.
In the context of implementing the goal of the 18th Congress of the CPC to transform China into a maritime power, in February 2013 the Chinese government approved a program for the creation of nuclear-powered ships, primarily aircraft carriers. As part of the program for the development of high (knowledge-intensive) technologies “863”, it is planned to develop a compact nuclear reactor of a new generation, which in the future is planned to be used on aircraft carriers, strategic submarines, destroyers, as well as on cargo ships. An aircraft carrier construction program has been adopted, which will be implemented in two stages. At the first stage, it is planned to build up to four aircraft-carrying ships with a conventional power plant, half of which will be transferred to the Navy in 2015-2016; By 2020, it is planned to form aircraft carrier groups based on these ships. The second stage (after 2020) involves the construction of two aircraft carriers with a displacement of 65 thousand tons with a nuclear power plant 18.
China’s desire to develop a constructive dialogue with the United States on military security issues is met with opposition in the form of a policy of “containing” China, aimed at maintaining the dominant position of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region. According to the US national military strategy (2012 version), the US intends to redirect existing resources to the Asia-Pacific region, since the rise of China poses a potential threat to the security and economy of the US 19 . The latter is strongly opposed by China, which argues that military modernization in China serves the objective needs of national security and development of the country, is a positive factor in maintaining peace and stability in the region and ultimately meets the interests of the world community, in which the United States should also be interested . 20 An acutely negative reaction from Beijing was caused by the inclusion in the US National Defense Authorization Act for FY 2013, approved by the US Congress. year of provisions concerning Taiwan and the Diaoyu Islands, which was perceived by the Chinese side as US interference in the internal affairs of the PRC 21.
The main directions of US policy in the Asia-Pacific region at the present stage include: 1) strengthening ties with Japan and other US allies in the region; 2) maintaining relations with US partner countries, including countries in Southeast Asia and India; 3) the formation of a multi-layered system of relations with US allies, facilitating more active use in the interests of the USA
East Asia Summit and other regional institutions. The United States is pursuing the goal of renewing US military alliances in the region and maintaining their viability in the face of changes taking place in the world. Along with the system of bilateral military alliances in the region, the United States intends to build trilateral military alliances, such as the United States-Japan-South Korea, the United States-Japan-Australia, the United States-Japan-India, while taking advantage of the growing concern of countries neighboring China with accelerated modernization Chinese armed forces 22. One of the measures in this direction is the conclusion of an agreement with Australia on the deployment of US forces at the Darwin military base, located in the Northern Territories (an administrative unit within Australia). According to the agreement, by 2016, the Darwin base will host 2,500 US military personnel and “a certain number of naval and air units” 23 . According to Chinese analysts, there is no reason to believe that the listed measures taken by the United States, a power superior to China militarily, are not directed against China; Therefore, China is forced to increase the capabilities of its armed forces as a response 24.
At the current stage China is making efforts to implement a new type of security concept based on interstate trust and including the following provisions: mutual equal security based on mutual trust and cooperation through dialogue; interaction in the matter of security with non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and without causing damage to third countries; preventing threats or damage by military force to the security and stability of other states; implementation of defensive military policy; adoption on a bilateral basis of optimal measures to build confidence in border and disputed areas; Into friendly relations between the armed forces. 25
The end of the XX - the beginning of the XXI century. marked by the conclusion between China and Russia of a number of important security agreements that form unique system confidence measures. These measures include mutual obligations not to be the first to use nuclear weapons, not to aim nuclear missiles at each other, and to prevent dangerous military activities, based on the principle of military transparency in the 200-kilometer border zone 26 . An important step in strengthening confidence-building measures in Russian-Chinese relations, including in the military field, was the signing on July 16, 2001 in Moscow of the Treaty on Good Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation between Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. In accordance with the Treaty, Russia and China confirmed their obligations not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against each other, not to mutually target strategic nuclear missiles (Article 2), and also to implement confidence-building measures in the military field and mutual reduction of armed forces in the border area by basis of existing agreements (Article 7). Of particular importance in the context of countering international terrorism is Art. 8B of the Treaty, according to which the parties pledged to prevent the creation and activity on their territory of organizations and groups that harm the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of the other party.
Preparations are underway for China and ASEAN countries to adopt a Code of Conduct for Parties in the South China Sea. In July 2011, during a meeting of the foreign ministers of China and ASEAN countries on the island. Bali (Indonesia) the parties approved the Basic Principles of the Code, which include the renunciation of the use of force in the event of disputes and the resolution of contradictions exclusively by peaceful means. Negotiations on the preparation of the Code were conducted between China and the countries of the region for nine years - after the adoption of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in November 2002 in Phnom Penh 27 . At the current stage, an obstacle to the development of the Code is the lack of a unified position of the member countries of the association for negotiating with China due to the differing priority problems of each country. The situation became more complicated due to the “return of the United States to Asia” and Washington’s intention to become a mediator between the negotiating parties. In fact, the Association is faced with the difficult problem of developing a version of the Code that would suit both Beijing and Washington, as well as all member states of the Association 28 .
In 2012, China's armed forces were repeatedly used to carry out demonstrative actions in defense of the PRC's sovereignty over the Diaoyu (Senkaku) Islands in the East China Sea, which are the subject of a territorial dispute between the PRC and Japan. At the same time, the parties refrained from entering into an armed conflict, based on a mutual interest in maintaining broad trade ties (in 2012, trade turnover between China and Japan exceeded $300 billion), which are of particular value in the context of an unstable situation in the global economy. The aggravation of the situation around the Diaoyu Islands was caused mainly by internal political motives: in China, this is the desire of the CPC leadership to show firmness in defending the country's sovereignty over the islands on the eve of the 18th CPC Congress; in Japan, it is an attempt to divert attention from the split within the ruling Democratic Party, the problem of national debt, and the energy crisis , problems of liquidation of the consequences of the earthquake of 2011 29
Measures are being taken to expand the operational area of the Chinese naval forces and increase their ability to conduct combat operations in remote areas of the world's oceans 30 . These include measures to expand the presence of the Chinese Navy in the Indian Ocean in order to ensure the safety of oil transportation routes by sea, as well as to monitor the situation in the Southeast Asian region in the event of a possible armed conflict around Taiwan with US intervention or an escalation of the territorial dispute over the ownership of the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Archipelago. In this regard, the basing system of the Chinese Navy in the operational zone of the Southern Fleet is being expanded and modernized.
Along with fulfilling the main function of protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, the PLA expands its participation in non-military peacekeeping operations and strengthening international security, which include anti-piracy and anti-terrorism operations, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions, peacekeeping missions under the auspices of the UN, operations to protect the sea straits, and to protect space objects. As of December 2011, 10 UN peacekeeping missions out of 15 included 1,850 military personnel and observers from China. In support of international anti-piracy efforts, China is participating in patrols in the Gulf of Aden.
As of December 2012, the PLA Navy provided escort for 4,984 Chinese and foreign ships in the Gulf of Aden and Somali waters 31 .
Positive aspects in Chinese-American military relations include the current mechanism of Chinese-American consultations on the issue of military security at sea, within the framework of which the parties regularly conduct contacts to exchange information in order to avoid unexpected incidents at sea, as well as joint exercises on working out issues of combating pirates, conducting rescue operations, providing humanitarian assistance and eliminating the consequences of natural disasters 32.
At the beginning of the 21st century. received rapid development Chinese military diplomacy, which is viewed by Beijing as a strategic level activity. Nowadays it is characterized by high activity and emergence as an important component of real state policy, playing an important role in military security strategy. The most important place in this area is occupied by strategic consultations with the participation of the PLA on security issues with the largest world powers - Russia, India, the USA, as well as strategic dialogue with other states, which, according to China, play an important role in shaping international security; these include Great Britain, Japan, Australia, South Africa. Direct lines of communication have been established and operate between the military departments of the PRC and the Russian Federation, the PRC and the USA.
The process of active participation of the PLA in joint military exercises with the armies of other countries, as well as the practice of exchanging observers for military exercises, is gaining momentum. In 2012, within the framework of international military cooperation, the PLA took part in 11 joint exercises with the armed forces (AF) of foreign states, including: anti-terrorism exercises of the Armed Forces of the SCO member countries “Peace Mission 2012” (in the Chorukh-Dairon area, Tajikistan ), naval exercises between China and Russia “Maritime Cooperation 2012” (in the Qingdao area, China), Chinese-American anti-piracy exercises (in the Gulf of Aden), exercises airborne troops China and Belarus “Swift Eagle 2012” (in the Xiaogan area, Hubei Province, China), Chinese-American exercises to practice humanitarian rescue operations (in the Chengdu area, Sichuan Province, China) 33.
In conclusion, it can be noted that the military policy of the PRC at the present stage has acquired multi-vector character is integral part a wide range of preventive measures of a political, diplomatic, economic and military nature aimed at creating favorable conditions around China and reducing instability factors. In the foreseeable future, the army will remain an important link political system China, be under the control of the CCP and, along with external functions, play the role of an instrument to support power and maintain internal political stability.
Notes
- 1 Buturlinov V.F. Chinese Armed Forces. History and modernity / Institute of Military History of the USSR Ministry of Defense. M., 1989. S. 111-114.
- 2 Dandai zhongguo jundui de junydi gongzuo: [Military activities of the modern Chinese army]. In 2 parts/ed. Han Huaizhi. Beijing, 1989. Parts 1-2; part 2. pp. 448-451.
- 3 China: arms control and disarmament. Document of the State Council of the People's Republic of China // White Book. 1995. pp. 3-4.
- 4 Yu Xiaotong(PRC). Chinese national security strategy in the Asia-Pacific region // Problems Far East. No. 3. 2007. P. 42.
- 5 Yang Shangkun. For the construction of modern armed forces with Chinese characteristics // Hongqi, 1984. No. 15. P. 5-7.
- 6 White Paper on National Defense “Various Activities of the Chinese Armed Forces” - 2013. URL: russian.china.org.cn. 04/17/2013.
- 7 See: ButurlinaV.F. Decree. Op. P. 230.
- 8 People's Daily. 03/19/97.
East Asian Strategic Review 2012. The National Institute for Defense Studies. Tokyo. Japan. PP. 93-94.
- 10 URL: russian.china.org.cn.(04/17/2013)
- 11 White book “National Defense of China” - 2006. URL: http://www.china.org.cn/В english/features/book/194485.htm.
- 12 Ibid.
- 13 People's Daily Online. 03/14/2005.
- 14 Beijing. Business-TASS. 01/10/2013.
- 15 “White Paper “China's National Defense” - 2006.
- 16 White paper “National Defense of China” 2010 URL: http://www;china.org.cn/В government/white paper/2011-03/31/content_22263510.htm
- 17 URL: http://china.caixin.com/2012-l l-08/100458021_all.html#page6
- 18 URL: http://rn.lenta.ru/news/2013/02/22/nuclear
- 19 URL: http://by.china-embassy.org/rus/fyrth/t894915.htm
- 20 Executive Intelligence Review (EIR). January 20, 2012. P. 9.
URL: http: //www.eurasian-defence.ru/node/2734.
East Asian Strategic Review 2012. The National Institute for Defense Studies. Tokyo. Japan. P. 6, 7.
Independent military review. 08/23/2012.
- 24 Executive Intelligence Review (EIR). January 20, 2012. P. 9.
Zhou Wenzhong(Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China). China's foreign policy and China's relations with the United States and Europe in the new century // Express information No. 5. Chinese assessments of Bush's foreign policy strategy and Chinese-American relations / IFES RAS. M., 2005. P. 20.
- 26 KarasinG. Russia - China: partnership developed for a strategic perspective. // Problems of the Far East. 1997. No. 2. P. 26.
- 27 IA "Interfax". 07/21/2011.
E.N. Grachikov
Bilateral Russian-Chinese relations
Relations between Russia and China always contain some form of intercivilizational communication. Russia represents the European Orthodox civilization, China - the Confucian East Asian civilization. For more than one hundred and forty years, both powers had a common historical destiny; they were part of a single Mongol empire - Golden Horde, although they did not have any direct contacts with each other. In the 50s of the 20th century, relations between the USSR and the PRC were fraternal and allied in nature. In the 21st century, the relationship between our countries has become strategic, and within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS and the Group of 20, it has acquired a global character. In modern world geopolitics, China and Russia are natural allies.
The contact of the spaces of the two powers in the 17th century and the establishment of a common border brought the relations of the two empires - the Russian and the Qing - to the interstate level. They have always been formal. Throughout the history of bilateral relations, several comprehensive treaties have been signed that govern and define the status of these relations. The peculiarity of Russia’s position was the fact that throughout almost the entire history of mutual contacts, Russia had strong positions (economic, military, scientific), and China had weak positions, the position of a semi-colonial power or, as noted in Chinese historiography, the period of “one hundred years of humiliation” ( 1840-1949). Even in the 21st century, having far surpassed Russia and become the second economy in the world, in the military-technical sphere, space and nuclear technologies, in the production of helicopters, airplanes, aircraft engines, not to mention hydrocarbon resources, China still needs Russian assistance. Based on key macroeconomic indicators, China is still a developing “regional country emerging as a global power.”
For Russia, China is the ancient Confucian civilization of East Asia with its age-old traditions, long history, large population and a different view of the world from the European one. In the eyes of some of the political elite and many ordinary Russian citizens, China has always been a “sleeping tiger” that should not be touched. Since 1840, the beginning of the first “opium” war of England against the Qing government, China has become the center of the struggle of the great powers for spheres of influence. Russia was no exception and was forced to actively participate in this geopolitical game, since it took place in the space bordering us. Construction of the Chinese-Eastern Railway in three provinces of northeast China, the naval base of the Russian fleet of Port Arthur, the entry of Russian troops (comprising eight allied armies) into Beijing in 1900, Russo-Japanese War The years 1904-1905, ironically taking place on Chinese territory, became milestones in this struggle.
In the 20th century, since the first congress of the Communist Party of China in 1921 (held with the assistance of the Comintern) and the Kuomintang in 1924 (Sun Yat-sen's policy of alliance with the USSR), China has become an important direction in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, especially in countering geopolitical plans Japan to capture China and the Far Eastern part of the USSR. After its formation in 1949, the People's Republic of China is an integral part of the socialist camp, the world communist movement, a military-political and ideological ally of the USSR (which provided enormous assistance in the creation of Chinese science, industry, army and navy). The two powers were together during Korean War(1950-1953), the Caribbean crisis (1961) and the Vietnam War (1965-1975). In the 21st century, Russia views China not only as an ally, but also as a reliable rear, foreign policy and economic resource in countering US hegemony and building a new international order.
Russia, or rather, to a greater extent, the southern part of Siberia, for China from ancient times represented the north of the continent as unsuitable for habitation and development, from where an external threat constantly emanated, so the geostrategy of ancient China was turned to the north. In the minds of the Chinese, Russia has always been associated with a strong and aggressive European power, which over the course of three centuries was able to significantly increase its territory and, as a result of “unequal” treaties, annex 1.5 million square meters. km. "Chinese" territory. The entire history of Russian-Chinese relations before 1917 is considered by Chinese scientists as an “aggressive policy Tsarist Russia" From 1949 to the end of the 50s, China pursued a “stick to one side” strategy, which meant a strategic alliance with the USSR. Then, after ideological differences between the CPSU and the CPC, a border conflict on the island. Damansky, the introduction of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Mongolia, Afghanistan, the use of the Cam Ranh naval base in Vietnam, China came to the conclusion that the USSR posed a real military threat to the PRC and was trying to surround China with its military bases. There is a gradual change in strategies: from the late 50s to the end of the 60s, it was a strategy of fighting on two fronts - “against imperialism and against revisionism,” i.e. against the USA and the USSR. In 1971 - 1978 The PRC adheres to the “one side, one line” or “one front” strategy - it begins to format strategic relations with the United States (mainly against the USSR). In 1978 - 1988 conducts “peace and development” diplomacy. The establishment of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and China occurred during the period of China’s international isolation (1989-1994), caused by the harsh suppression of student protests in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. The West imposes an embargo on the supply of dual-use weapons and technologies to China, which remains in effect to this day. Russia does not join Western sanctions against China and in 1992 begins exporting SU-27 fighters to China, and then other modern military equipment. The signing in April 1996 of a joint Russian-Chinese declaration, which consolidated the status of bilateral relations as an “equal, trusting partnership” (aimed at strategic interaction in the 21st century), marked the beginning of a new Chinese diplomacy of “partnership relations”, which it then widely extended to relations with other countries. countries. In the 21st century, Russia for China is a powerful European power, a natural ally of China, the rear of its global geopolitics, which, however, is not one of the centers of world politics (which includes the USA, China and, in economic terms, the EU).
The stages of the genesis of China's diplomatic strategies and foreign policy towards Russia, as well as the perception of the Chinese ruling elite of Russia's foreign policy are clearly shown in Table 1. The Chinese scholar Gao Fei, who prepared this analysis, briefly but succinctly describes the entire history of relations between the PRC and the USSR/Russia: alliance (50s of the 20th century), controversy (60s), confrontation (70s), on the way to normalization (80s), friendly power/principled partner (90s e.), strategic partnership relations in the 21st century.
Foreign policy and foreign policy concepts of China and Russia
Table 1.
- 309 The struggle against “imperialism” (USA) and against “revisionism” (USSR).
- 310 Strategic alliance with the USA.
|
side" 308 |
policy |
||||||
|
Externally concepts |
Division into enemies and friends |
Neither enemy nor friend |
Feel free to make friends |
Changing hostile to friendly |
|||
|
Foreign policy |
Confrontation between the camps |
Discharge |
Struggle for hegemony |
Gorbachev's new thinking |
Partnership diplomacy |
Diplomacy independent on your own |
|
|
Externally concepts |
Division into enemies and friends |
Invincibility, all friends |
Feel free to make friends |
Perhaps an enemy, perhaps a FRIEND |
|||
|
Sino-Russian relations |
Controversy |
Opposition |
On the way to normalization of relations |
Friendly power/principal. partner |
Relationships of strategic cooperation and partners |
||
